Articles

Muslim-American Activism, Pages 54-55

Forums on Pakistan Provide Food for Thought

LAST YEAR the American Muslim Alliance Foundation began to hold monthly policy forums in Washington, DC, with lively discussions on Pakistani civil society and Pakistani-U.S. relations—along with delicious Pakistani food. A Dec. 14 forum at the AMA office entitled “New Trends, Challenges and Opportunities” featured former Pakistani Ambassador Karamat Ullah Ghori and Dr. Zubair Iqbal, a former economist with the International Monetary Fund, and currently adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute (MEI).

Most of Pakistan’s problems stem from corruption, according to AMA founder and moderator Dr. Agha Saeed of California State University. U.S. aid disappears into personal Swiss bank accounts, he explained, instead of being used for projects to help people.

Pakistan’s educated urban middle class—lawyers, teachers, doctors and business owners—are the engine of change, panelists agreed. Pakistanis who attended American schools aren’t intimidated by their country’s feudal class which, over the last 60 years—“over a torturous course”—is gradually losing its hold on power, Ambassador Ghori stated.

Both civilian and military governments have had a massive disconnect with the people of Pakistan. In the past the silent majority had no interest in politics, but now, thanks to a newly vocal, truly free media, there is an “awakening of civil society” and Pakistani citizens are voicing their opinions.

Dr. Zubair Iqbal gave a brief history of Pakistan, explaining why it is a decade behind its competitors in India, Malaysia, and other East Asian nations. Elites still control land, resources and power—and don’t pay taxes, he remonstrated. Iqbal suggested requiring the payment of taxes and forcing the elites to stop squandering resources—in short, requiring the elite to invest in their country.

He reminded the audience that Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and other judges battled with President Pervez Musharraf in 2007 and changed judicial history in Pakistan. The Supreme Court abolished the law that could send a judge on enforced leave, and threatened to impeach Musharraf. The military leader resigned on Aug. 18, 2008, and Asif Ali Zardari was elected president the following month.

One audience member asked what Pakistani expatriates could do. Agreeing that the feudal class never wanted education for the masses, the panelists concluded: “Invest in education back home to empower and enlighten people.”

MEI president and former U.S. Ambassador Wendy J. Chamberlin and Shuja Nawaz, author of Pakistan, Its Army, and the Wars Within and director of South Asia Center, Atlantic Council of the United States, spoke at the Jan. 11 AMA forum, held at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. In the space of two hours they presented an excellent mini-course on internal changes taking place in the past two years, as well as on Pakistani-American relations.

“On the surface Americans see their relations with Pakistan as very good,” Ambassador Chamberlin noted. The U.S. has provided $50 billion in (mostly military) aid since 1947, and Washington proved to be a reliable friend during Pakistan’s 2005 earthquake. The two nations also share a common enemy of extremism, she said. Pakistan’s government publicly condemns U.S. drone attacks on targets in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas in Northwest Pakistan, but privately shares information on targets.

When, on Sept. 24, 2009, the Senate approved legislation to triple nonmilitary aid to Pakistan to about $1.5 billion a year for the next five years, the results surprised Americans, who assume that if they input aid, the output should be pro-American sentiment. The bill written by Senators John Kerry (D-MA), and Richard Lugar (R-IN) sparked street protests and fury among Pakistanis, who charge that the bill’s conditions compromise their country’s sovereignty.

According to polls taken in August, two-thirds of the Pakistani public identify the U.S. as the biggest threat to Pakistan—ahead of India! There”˜s also a real trust deficit on the American side: is Pakistan’s military giving 100 percent to secure the border with Afghanistan? Is Islamabad a reliable keeper of nuclear secrets?

Many Pakistanis don’t believe the U.S. has been a reliable friend to Pakistan, the second largest Muslim-majority country in the world, Ambassador Chamberlin said. Washington has consistently sided with India in 60 years of wars, and supported the secession of East Pakistan and the formation of Bangladesh. In addition, America used Pakistan during its conflict with the Soviet Union, then not only slapped on discriminatory visa policies, but also gave trade advantages to other nations.

Both Ambassador Chamberlin and Nawas discussed “the elephant in the room”—namely, Kashmir. The speakers agreed the United States should support peace negotiations and make them the key to American policies. Kashmir obscures other vital issues, including water sharing, trade and economic growth.

Pakistan doesn’t speak with one voice, Nawas noted. Its weak government appears to be fumbling its way toward a strategy. He commented on President Zardari’s surprisingly honest speech on Dec. 27, 2009, the second anniversary of the assassination of his wife, Benazir Bhutto. Zardari, considered to be among the five richest men in Pakistan, is gradually ceding his powers to Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani in hopes of retaining the presidency. In November Zardari also removed himself from the nuclear chain of command, transferring his authority to the prime minister.

As for U.S.-Pakistan relations, they regularly “begin with a warm embrace,” Nawas said, “then doubts about intentions creep in. Next they separate when sanctions are threatened. Finally the U.S. throws money at the problem.”

Islamabad made a serious mistake accepting U.S. aid and agreeing in return to provide a detailed accounting. It makes it look as if Pakistan’s army is for hire instead of equals in the fight, and all for $1.1 billion a year—compared to a trillion spent in Iraq and Afghanistan. This is a train wreck in the making.

For information about the next forum, contact AMA chairman Salim Akhar at (202) 280-7466.

Delinda C. Hanley

Additional information