Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, December
1997, Page 84
Trade and Finance
U.N., World Bank, IMF Criticize Israeli Closure Policy
By Colin MacKinnon
In mid-September the U.N. and the World Bank issued
a joint report on the economic effects of this year's closures of
the West Bank and Gaza. The document, which all major donors are
known to have approved, is a hard-hitting and sophisticated critique
of Israeli policy. It was issued just 10 days after the International
Monetary Fund criticized Israel for withholding revenue it collects
for the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) under the Interim Accord
signed in 1994.
The public criticism of Israel by the top three international
organizations reflects a widespread and growing concern among multilateral
and bilateral donors that their work is being hampered by Israeli
policies that go well beyond seeking to assure Israeli security.
Particularly disturbing to the donors are two practices:
Israel's imposition of a system of "comprehensive closure"
that seals off Palestinian areas from the rest of the world and
from each another; and Israel's withholding of Palestinian funds
from the Palestinian National Authority. Israel imposed the two
policies after the suicide bombings of July 30.
The Two Closures
Comprehensive closure keeps Palestinians and Palestinian
goods from traveling into or through Israel. It also keeps goods
and people from crossing into or out of Egypt via Rafah in Gaza
or Jordan via the Allenby Bridge.
The Israelis call the practice of isolating West Bank
Palestinian villages and towns from each other "internal closure."
It's a relatively new policy, pioneered by the Israelis early in
1996, but applied with more rigor than ever before in August and
September of this year.
"Internal closure," says the report, "denies
Palestinians passage through checkpoints, usually from Palestinian
areas into Israeli-controlled areas, but wider application of this
restriction also occurs, including preventing access to and from
villages and towns in the West [Bank]...Residents of the major towns
are regularly turned back at the entrance points to those towns
by Israeli soldiers or police."
"What inspires the Israelis to make life difficult
is beyond me other than a need to inflict collective punishment,"
says Salem Ajluni, chief U.N. economist in Gaza and main author
of the report. "[The internal closures] are really not much
of a security tool. If the aim is to stop Palestinians from entering
Israel, they don't do that. If the aim is to make life uncomfortable
and inconvenient, they're having the intended effects."
Shortly after the report was issued, Israel relaxed
its closure policy to a degree and also began allowing a certain
number of Palestinian workers to enter Israel. The damage had been
done, however.
Israeli policies go well beyond seeking to assure
Israeli security.
Here are some of the results of Israeli policy, according
to the U.N. and the World Bank.
* From the beginning of the year to mid-September
Palestinian workers lost 26 percent of work days in Israel.
* Direct paycheck losses resulting from this were
probably $1.3 million a day, totaling around $47 million.
* Unemployment rose. Jobs in Israel have been employing
around 12 percent of the Palestinian labor force. When workers can't
get to job sites in Israel, unemployment in the Palestinian areas,
normally around 20 percent, rises to 30 percent.
* Trade with Israel and the outside world fell as
well. Losses here probably ran to about $1.3 million a day, totaling
around $45 million.
These were just the direct effects. There were indirect
effects as well.
* Wage losses and losses of export revenues meant
people had less money to buy things, and this depressed the local
economy in goods and services. Down the road, secondary losses like
this can equal the direct losses.
* Inputs for production in Palestine's industrial
base, mostly small, three-to-four-person shops, were reduced, so
production declined.
* Perishables like tomatoes and cucumbers in Gaza
and the northern West Bank and grapes in Hebron rotted, both because
workers couldn't get to them to pick them and because even if picked
the produce couldn't make it to market.
* All of this reduced taxes and put more economic
pressure on the PNA.
Figured together, say the U.N. and World Bank, the
effects of closure cost the Palestinian Territory some $4 million
to $6 million dollars a day (that's without taking into consideration
the results of internal closure, which are harder to estimate).
Withholding Palestinian Funds
The other practice donors find disturbing is the withholding
of funds that Israel collects on Palestinian transactions and which,
under the Oslo accords, Israel is supposed to turn over to the PNA:
a value-added tax, customs receipts, a gasoline tax as well as income
taxes and health fees paid by Palestinian workers. Altogether the
funds make up about 60 percent of PNA revenues and were expected
to total $513 million this year. (Before the closures and their
economic results, total PNA revenues for 1997 had been estimated
at $814 million, but because of the economic crisis, revenues will
be significantly lower this year.)
Closure and the withholding of funds obstruct donor
projects in a number of ways, says the report. For one, projects
are delayed if workers are holed up in their towns and can't get
to work sites. For another, if construction materials can't be imported,
they run out, with obvious effects on projects. Even when materials
are available, scarcity drives their cost up, which drives up project
costs.
Worst of all, probably, is that the donors are finding
themselves diverting funds from infrastructure projects to the day-to-day
relief of hardship, in effect taking funds from the long-term development
of the Palestinian economy to mitigate immediate effects of the
Israeli blockade. (The PNA also finds itself having to borrow funds
locally, which sops up liquidity and makes it harder for West Bank
and Gaza businessmen to get loans, which dampens economic activity
further.)
Partly because of the closures, donor aid has not
come in as rapidly as hoped. Donors had originally committed $2.8
billion to be disbursed from 1994 through 1997, but by the end of
1996 only $1.5 billion had actually been disbursed. In the first
two quarters of 1997 only $107 million had been allocated.
The closures threaten what the IMF considered a promising
improvement in Palestinian economic conditions. The Fund had projected
a growth rate of about 8 percent for 1997. That won't happen now.
Colin MacKinnon
is contributing editor to the Washington-based Middle East Executive
Reports. |