Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, December 1987, page
15
Waging Peace
Miracles From Carrots and Sticks
If appearance is reality, King Hussein of Jordan's League of Arab
States' summit meeting in November was the best thing that's happened
in the Middle East since the autumn of 1982. That year, shocked
by the Israeli devastation of Lebanon and dispersion of the Palestinians
based there, the Arab League heads of state met in Fez, Morocco,
and unanimously adopted Saudi Arabian Crown Prince (now King) Fahd's
principles for Middle East peace as their own Fez plan. That Arab
peace plan embodied UN Security Council Resolution 242's land-for-peace
formula, and called for self-determination for the Palestinians
in a state of their own. The reason those good things happened at
the 1982 meeting is that Libya and Syria stayed home.
Unfortunately, Libya and Syria haven't made that mistake again,
and the Arabs, who generally reach a position by consensus rather
than by majority vote, have seemed paralyzed ever since. In Amman,
however, threatened with the possibility of an Iranian victory in
the Gulf war, the League of Arab States awoke from its five-year
slumber. It called for an international conference on Arab-Israeli
peace. It took a unified position urging Iran to accept the UN call
for a cease-fire already accepted by Iraq. And while it did not
formally welcome Egypt back into the Arab League, it opened the
way for league members to re-establish diplomatic relations with
Egypt. This all happened because the delegates ignored the negativism
of the Libyan delegation, and apparently brought Syria most of the
way around to an Arab consensus view.
It probably was no coincidence that Saudi Arabia was represented
at the meeting by Crown Prince Abdullah, whose penetrating gaze
denotes a certain tenacity of purpose. That tenacity may have worked
in Syria's favor in the past. The crown prince was said to support
continuation of generous Saudi subsidies to President Hafez Al-Assad's
forces confronting Israel, despite Assad's tendency to kick the
props out from under whatever peacemaking platforms the Saudis and
their allies have sought to erect. Assad's sudden association with
the Arab summit position on the Gulf war may be the result of an
even larger Saudi carrot. It's reasonable to assume, however, that
the presence of the Saudi crown prince in Amman was also an implied
stick. If the Syrians didn't associate themselves with agreed Arab
positions, he might recommend that Saudi Arabia withhold any
subsidies to Syria.
In these pages, Saudi Arabia has been criticized for past reluctance
to give uncooperative Assad a shove toward the peace table. Now,
we suggest that Congress and the Reagan administration stop complaining
and consider following the Saudi example of how to handle a prickly
client state. The Arabs, the Europeans, the USSR, the US, and Israel's
foreign minister are all on record in favor of an international
peace conference to tackle the Israeli-Palestinian and the Israeli-Syrian
disputes. But there isn't going to be one just because Israel's
intransigent Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir says there isn't. Isn't
it time Uncle Sam turned our $3 billion annual carrot to Israel
into a stick by threatening to withhold it from an Israeli prime
minister who daily thumbs his nose at the world in general and the
US in particular?
That technique just worked a miracle in Amman. It might work a
miracle in Jerusalem.
—Richard Curtiss |