Kuwait and the Gulf: Small States and the International System

By Hassan Ali Al-Ebraheem. Washington, D.C.: Center For Contemporary Arab Studies, 1984. 117 pp. $9.95 (paperback)

Reviewed by Howard R. Cottam

Kuwait University's Associate Professor Hassan Ali Al-Ebraheem's book is both descriptive and prescriptive. It analyzes in historical-global context the plight of and the chances for survival of small states, especially those in the Gulf. Kuwait and the Gulf Cooperation Council are respectively the model state and the chosen regional institution to achieve security and survival.

What distinguishes this espousal of well-known Arab aspirations—peaceful settlement of Arab-Israeli issues and a just solution of the Palestine problem—is its thoughtful and scholarly focus on the broad context of the small states in the international system and the underlying imperative of justice and equality. By analyzing critically Kuwait, which has been "modernized" longer than the other small states of the Gulf, the author suggests means of dealing with integration within a single state. Particularly pertinent, was the early awareness that Kuwait's survival depends upon optimum cooperation and ultimate integration with neighboring states. This contextual analysis describes the basis of Kuwait's neutralism, its unfailing support of Arab causes, and its generosity to other developing, including Arab, countries. It also explains Kuwaiti support of various regional and global institutions.

GCC: The Chosen Mechanism

Kuwait, more than any other single state, was responsible for the establishment of the GCC, the chosen mechanism for integration.

Established in early 1981 by Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman, the GCC aimed to foster cooperation in social, economic and other matters. Riyadh was made headquarters of the GCC and Abdulla Bishara, Kuwait's former ambassador to the United Nations, was named Secretary General. Periodic meetings are held at the summit, foreign minister and technical levels. Heads of state comprise a Conciliation Commission which sets policy and adjudicates differences at two annual meetings. The Ministerial Council meets six times a year to formulate policies and supervise the General Secretariat.

The author states that "Integration efforts in the Gulf should be viewed as a first step toward integration in general," and also that "...the formation of the GCC an be seen as confirming the support of those states for the Arab League, its Charter and objective, and Islam as a whole." Moreover, a major premise of the author is that small states have a legitimate and useful place in the international system. The U.N. family, including the World Bank group, is of crucial importance. While acknowledging that the increasing influence of small states has "...contributed to the decline of Western power in the General Assembly, this decline is not destructive to the international system..."

Nearly half of the book is scholarly description and definition of the small state and the international system. Then comes descriptive and statistical information on the economies, foreign policy and "security of small states, with examples from the Gulf." Vulnerability, because of reliance on a single commodity—oil—is underscored. Survival and security are the main objectives of foreign policy—which requires neutrality, diplomacy, and reliance upon "...international legal norms and negotiation."

Insisting on Neutrality

The chapter entitled "strategic importance of the Gulf: U.S. and Soviet foreign policy," notes that 53.5 percent of the world-wide proved oil reserves and 26.2 percent of the natural gas lie in the Gulf region. More important is the pervasive influence of the superpowers; hence, the overriding insistence on neutrality. While the Soviets are geographically closer, current U.S. policies are more seductive and, therefore, should be resisted.

Suspicion of U.S. intentions in the Gulf is exacerbated by the U.S. commitment to Israel. Particularly annoying was the Israeli invasion of Lebanon which "...was seen by most Arabs as an act carried out with full blessing of the U.S. government...As long as the U.S. remains at the service of Israeli policy and seeks to apply a security model based on a surrogate presence, its role in the Gulf and the Middle East is likely to remain constrained."

Professor Al-Ebraheem concludes his analysis with full confidence that the small states of the Gulf will survive if they integrate and if they do not rely upon alliances with more powerful states. He notes, however, that "...the road toward unification is not an easy one. In spite of a common culture, language, ethnicity and historical background, serious obstacles must be overcome." Among these are unsolved border problems, competition among the ruling dynasties, uneven distribution of wealth, lack of adequate indigenous skilled manpower, and "superpower maneuvering." The success of GCC, he adds, "...will depend largely upon its ability to create a new economic order based on equality and justice." So far, "...no common strategy has been adopted to channel funds in general Arab development." Too much, in the author's view, is being spent on defense.

Howard R. Cottam, a former U.S. ambassador to Kuwait, is a Visiting Professor at American University.