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November/December 1993, Page 57

Maghreb Mirror

Assassination and Government: Reshuffle Reflect Algerian Instability

By Greg Noakes

The long-expected dismissal of Algerian Prime Minister Belaid Abdessalam and his replacement by Foreign Minister Redha Malek on Aug. 21 was overshadowed by the assassination the next day of former Prime Minister Kasdi Merbah. The change of government was intended as a new political and economic beginning for the country, but the violent death of one of its most prominent public figures demonstrated that instability and uncertainty are still the rule in Algerian political life.

Abdessalam had been under increasing criticism both for his inability to resuscitate the country's stagnant economy and his failure to halt the political violence which has plagued Algeria since the seizure of power by a military-backed regime in January 1992. Many observers felt that Abdessalam's past as one of the principal architects of Algeria's centralized socialist economic system limited the prospects for much-needed economic reforms, with a number of Algerian officials pointing out that economic hardship fuels popular discontent. There also were rumors that after a year in office Abdessalam was considering a rapprochement with moderate elements of the outlawed Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), a policy which many in the current government vehemently oppose.

Abdessalam's successor as prime minister is Redha Malek, a highly respected 61-year-old former ambassador and member of Algeria's five-man ruling High Council of State who is regarded as a hard-liner in the government's fight against armed Islamist militants. Malek is expected to apply a more liberal program to the country's economic problems than his predecessors, with Algerian officials announcing, "The head of government remains open to all possible economic options, as long as these options do not threaten the interests and sovereignty of the country. "

Speculation is mounting that one of those options is the rescheduling of Algeria's $25 billion foreign debt, whose $9 billion in annual repayments consumes a staggering percentage of the $11 billion brought in each year by petroleum exports. Previous governments fought rescheduling as an infringement of Algerian sovereignty and a concession of power to foreign interests, but many economists now say the regime has little choice, given the country's high unemployment, its lack of spare parts, raw materials and investment capital, and a young population suffering from housing and consumer shortages, political uncertainty and dim future economic prospects.

A key member of Malek's financial team is newly appointed Economy Minister Mourad Benachnou, an ex-World Bank official who argues that "rescheduling becomes urgent, and is of little cost if you compare it to the alternative of the total economic collapse threatening our country. " Benachnou's World Bank ties are expected to facilitate negotiations with Algeria's creditors, primarily France, Japan, Italy and the United States.

Other important cabinet appointments include economist Ahmed Benbitour as energy minister, former diplomat Mohammed Salah Dembri as foreign minister, and former army staff officer Salim Saadi in the crucial security post of interior minister. Retired General Lamine Zeroual remains as defense minister, having previously replaced the ailing General Khaled Nezzar, who nevertheless remains the crucial figure behind the scenes. High Council of State (HCE) President Ali Kafi continues to be the head of state, though the government shake-up comes only four months before the expiration of the HCE's mandate and a proposed referendum on the country's political future.

Death of a Prime Minister

While Malek's appointment is of greater long-term importance, it was the assassination of former prime minister, ex-chief of military security and opposition party leader Kasdi Merbah that preoccupied Algerians. A counterintelligence professional, Merbah was known to take extraordinary security precautions. On the evening of Aug. 22, Merbah was driving back from the beach near Algiers with his son and brother, a team of bodyguards following in a second car. They stopped at what appeared to be a security roadblock—a common sight in Algeria these days—only to find it manned by assassins disguised as soldiers. All three Merbahs died in a hail of gunfire.

Popular speculation attributed the killings to Islamists trying to send a message to the just-appointed Redha Malek, or to a "mafia" of corrupt former government officials afraid of the information Merbah had collected during his 18 years as head of military security. Many of the same theories were circulated following the still murky assassination in July 1992 of HCE President Mohammed Boudiaf.

Merbah's Mouvement Algerien pour la Justice et Democratie (MAJD, which has the connotation of "glory" in Arabic) will likely falter, since it was largely a vehicle for his own political ambitions, but other parties will be unaffected. Merbah's death signifies, however, that no one is above the chaotic violence gripping Algeria and that a simple change of government is no easy solution to Algeria's deepening dilemma.

Hassan Dedicates His Mosque

Morocco's King Hassan II inaugurated the world's second largest mosque on the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad with a light and sound ceremony in Casablanca which drew an estimated 80,000 people. The mosque, built on the sea's edge and named for the Moroccan monarch, now is Casablanca's most important religious, tourist and architectural site and will one day serve as Hassan's mausoleum.

The monumental building cost $528 million and took 35,000 workers seven years to construct. It can accommodate 25,000 worshippers beneath its 200-foot-high retractable roof, with room for another 80,000 on the esplanade outside. Only the Grand Mosque at Mecca has facilities for more worshippers.

The Hassan II Mosque is larger than St. Peter's Basilica in Rome, and London's St. Paul's Cathedral would fit inside the new mosque's central hall. The adjoining 656-foot-tall minaret, complete with a green laser beam which extends east 45 miles toward Mecca, is the world's tallest.

Michel Pinseau, the mosque's French architect, noted that while the building uses traditional Moorish architectural elements, "following the King's instructions we built a mosque which uses all modern techniques." Part of the engineering challenge was posed by the mosque's seaside location, which was inspired by the Qur'anic verse, "And God's throne is upon the water." A third of the foundation extends into the water of Casablanca's port and requires extensive protection from occasional Atlantic storms, while the minaret is visible from 20 miles out to sea. The Hassan II Mosque, dubbed "the eighth wonder of the world" by the official Le Matin, will "perpetuate His Majesty's memory for centuries, the way the pyramids of Egypt immortalized the pharaohs," according to one Moroccan official.

The mosque's inauguration was accompanied, however, by protests from some quarters about the building's expense and the way the money was collected. "Donations" for the construction were deducted from government employees' paychecks, while ordinary Moroccans have been targeted for several years by a special collection network throughout the country.

Expatriate Moroccans, including poor manual laborers in Western Europe, also have been strongly urged to contribute. The reported 12 million Moroccan contributors included Christians and Jews as well as Muslims, officials say, so that the "sacred monument symbolizes the link among the three monotheistic religions." With a per capita annual income of $1,000, few Moroccans can afford the sacrifice, say critics, who argue that the half-billion dollars would have been better spent on social and economic programs to benefit the whole nation.

Back Channel Between Britain and Libya

Libya's stated agreement to allow the two Libyan nationals accused in the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 to stand trial in Scotland followed almost a month of secret negotiations with British authorities. Tripoli's seeming about-face on its refusal to hand over Abdel Basset Ali AlMegrahi and Lamine Khalifa Fhimah for trial in the United States or Great Britain precluded the imposition of harsher U.N. sanctions against the North African nation, including a freeze on Libyan assets abroad and a ban on oil field supplies. These would have had dire consequences for the country's economy.

British negotiators reportedly assured the Libyan government the two suspects will receive humane treatment, access to facilities for religious worship, proper food allowances, inclusion of a Libyan lawyer on the defense team and the promise that the two would not be handed over to the United States, regardless of the outcome of their Scottish trial. One Libyan diplomat said, "We, as a country, want this trial to take place so the truth will be understood."

Not all Libyans were satisfied with the secret talks. The Libyan daily Ash-Shams criticized the secret negotiations and demanded that the Libyan Foreign Ministry officials involved be prosecuted for talking with the British without approval from local governing councils. The diplomats, the paper said, "damaged the reputation of the people and betrayed their commitments."