November 1991, Page 41
The Subcontinent
Two Courageous Women Behind the Change in Bangladesh
By M. M. Ali
The lightning speed of major events in the former Soviet empire,
Eastern Europe, and the Middle East have caused some very worthwhile
developments around the globe to go unnoticed. Amid dizzying changes
that have universal implications, the less dramatic but no less
important constitutional change that has been brought about by two
courageous women in Bangladesh deserves due attention.
Prime Minister Khalida Zia and opposition leader Hasina Shaikh
joined forces in an unprecedented way through the ballot box to
do away with the presidential form of government and affirm faith
in parliamentary democracy. Bangladesh has taken this route to eliminate
the recurrent political crises it has faced in recent years.
Political pundits will tell you that countries with long histories
which have been left behind in the economic and technological race
tend to develop an unhealthy proclivity. In their rush to catch
up, they turn to autocrats and military dictators who promise them
shortcuts to immediate and accelerated economic growth. The Third
World presents an array of examples among peoples freed of the colonial
yoke. A strong executive certainly facilitates quicker decisions
but not necessarily saner ones. Some countries have paid a heavy
price for little more than promises of speedy results.
The physical and the political suffering experienced by the people
of Bangladesh is probably unmatched by any other people in this
century. In its brief 20-year history, the country has suffered
intermittent cycles of floods and cyclones, and military coups and
assassinations, each leaving behind a swath of human misery and
economic devastation. Nature and man seem to conspire to keep unrest
alive in Bangladesh.
The recent floods left visible evidence of their heavy toll of
life and property. The two women at the helm of affairs are survivors
of man-made tragedies. Prime Minister Khalida Zia is the widow of
former President Ziaur Rehman, who was assassinated. Opposition
leader Hasina Shaikh is the daughter of Shaikh MuJibur Rehmaii,
the first prime minister, who was murdered in a military coup.
Political instability has added to the problems of Bangladesh,
and the tug-of-war between the prime minister and the president
only aggravated the element of uncertainty in public affairs. It
is to end the potential for continued intra-government friction
that the constitutional amendment has been made.
The change is based on the premise that a deliberative and consensus-seeking
arrangement offers a better chance for political stability and socio-economic
continuity. The checks and balances built into a presidential form
of government work well when the executive and the legislative branches
remain within their given constitutional orbits. Unfortunately,
Bangladesh has repeatedly experienced trespasses and violations
from the office of the president. Interestingly, Pakistan has incorporated
the potential for executive-executive overlap into the Eighth Amendment
of its Constitution and already has experienced two constitutional
crises.
The speed with which the presidential prime ministerial issue was
approached, although Bangladesh had just emerged from mass civil
unrest and a bitterly fought election in February, followed by the
huge cyclone that took a heavy toll of life and property in April,
indicates the priority given to rearrangement of the political equation.
An amendment to the Constitution was spearheaded by the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP) of Prime Minister Khalida Zia, and backed
by the Awami League of Hasina Shaikh and other opposition parties
in the 330-member Jatiya Sangsad (Parliament).
The amendment lodged the state's executive authority with the prime
minister, who is accountable to the national legislature, and made
the office of the president only ceremonial. It passed by 307 votes,
with none opposing, on Aug. 6. This vote of the Jatiya Sangsad was
put to a popular referendum on Sept. 15 and was adopted by an overwhelming
majority of 17,951,959 to 3,252,668 votes. Democratic forces of
the country thus sent a clear message that from now on the political
game is to be played by the rules of parliamentary democracy, with
all institutions and players remaining in their assigned places.
Unfortunately, however, the durability of this measure also is
dependent on the economic condition of the country.
The Economics of It All
Bangladesh is a disaster-prone land where a population of about
120 million people is crammed into an area of 144,000 sq. km. Some
26,000 sq. km., 18 percent of the country, is flooded each year.
Often nearly 60 percent of the cultivable land goes under water.
During the April 1991 floods, more than 75 percent of the country
was affected, with tremendous loss of human life, livestock, crops
and property.
Besides the natural calamities, the country has to live with daunting
human realities. The population growth rate has shown no signs of
slowing down. Government census figures indicate a population of
43 million people in 1947; 52 million in 1971; and over 120 million
in 1991. The World Bank estimates the population of Bangladesh will
be nearly 200 million by the year 2025.
Economic statistics are equally grim. The present per capita income
of Bangladesh is a paltry $170. Few countries of the world are as
dependent on foreign assistance for economic survival as Bangladesh.
On June 30, 1990, the total debt of Bangladesh stood at $10.68 billion.
This included soft- and hard-term loans, and more than $697 million
owed to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Debt servicing for
the nation's foreign loans alone rose from $17.7 million in 1973-74
to $301.7 million in 1989-90. The whole package of external debt,
including the IMF obligation, called for debt servicing of $567.1
million in 1989-90. This severe burden has been further increased
by the sudden loss of approximately $450 million in annual remittance
from expatriate workers in the Middle East as a result of the Gulf
war.
It is under such clouds that the country has readied its fourth
Five-Year Plan. Of the total financial resources needed for the
plan, 52 percent will be raised from external sources, Finance and
Planning Minister Saifur Rehman explains. Greater reliance, he says,
will be placed on the private sector in the generation of internal
resources.
An AID Bangladesh Consortium has pledged $2.3 billion for developmental
programs. The World Bank (IBRD) and the Asian Development Bank have
offered separate aid packages. The government of Khalida Zia has
also approached countries like Japan, China, Saudi Arabia, and the
European Community for bilateral assistance.
Whether these external efforts will be matched by internal efforts
is questionable. The Value Added Tax (VAT) proposal of the finance
minister, through which the government hoped to raise at least 15
percent of the Annual Development Plan, already faces strong opposition
from Hasina Shaikh's Awami League. Opposition parties have threatened
a national campaign against it.
Because of spiraling inflation in the country, the prime minister
is under severe pressure to increase government salaries. Both the
IMF and the World Bank, however, strongly opposed such salary increases.
The irony of it all is that over the past 30 years, IBRD and RAF
(and now the Asian Development Bank as well) prescriptions and formulas
have done little to alleviate poverty and problems in the Third
World. Countries like Bangladesh, however, have to live with them,
and adjust their political as well as economic systems accordingly.
M. M. Ali is a professor at the University of the District
of Columbia. |