Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, November 1987, page
18
From the Israeli Press
An Unlimited Ugly Law
By Dani Rubinstein
Dr. Sa'ab Erakat, of Al-Najah University in Nablus, was brought
to court and found guilty of writing a hostile publication. He was
sentenced to a fine and conditional imprisonment. In the course
of his trial, Erakat argued that the publication he wrote is an
expression of a political opinion, and, relying on the principle
of freedom of expression, he claimed that what he did is permitted.
There is no right to freedom of expression in the areas of Judea,
Samaria, and Gaza, answered the military prosecutor. As a matter
of fact, there was nothing new in this answer. Everybody knows about
the restrictions imposed on the Arab press distributed in the territories.
The censorship procedures in the territories are also known to refer
to books, publications, and study programs. In the territories and
in East Jerusalem, orders prohibiting meetings and lectures are
a matter of routine.
Still, the announcement of the military prosecution in the Nablus
court that there is no freedom of expression cause some surprise.
The usual justifications for an Israeli ban on a publication, book,
meeting, or exhibit are security reasons. The administration claims
that it is forced to ban a publication because its nature might
incite breaches of order, riots, terror, etc. This time it seemed
that the military prosecutor is tired of the official game. So the
administration informed Dr. Erakat that he was forbidden to write
what he wrote because he and the residents of the territories have
no right to freedom of expression.
Jewish Settlers Exempt from Military Orders
However, everybody knows that the military restrictions do not
apply to all residents of the territories. The Jewish settlers
are exempted from them! A system of military regulations created
gradually a differing legal approach to Jewish residents and to
Arab residents. For example: The Arab civil courts in the territories
operating according to the Jordanian law are not entitled to deal
with complaints against Jews.
Without doubt, the regime and the military law in the territories
resemble more and more an apartheid regime. The separation in the
territories is national. The Arabs have a law and regime and administration
of their own. The Jews have another, separate system. The separation
is usually on grounds of citizenship—the citizens of the West
Bank (Arabs) on one side, and the Israeli citizens on the other.
Thus was the matter settled officially, but then into the territories
came new settlers—recent Jewish immigrants to Israel who are
not yet Israeli citizens. Therefore, in several sectors, the law
was forced to state, that the term "Israelis" also includes
persons who are not Israeli citizens, but who are entitled to Israeli
citizenship according to the Law of Return—meaning Jews. In
other words, the law was forced to divide the inhabitants of the
territories not according to their citizenship, but according to
their national origin...
The apartheid of the type existing in Nablus, Hebron, and Gaza
crosses the border into the state of Israel. So far, in spite of
the regime in the territories, Israel succeeded in keeping some
of the values of democracy and equality before the law. But now
it turns out that the whole green line has been erased and forgotten.
The rules of the administration in the territories also threatens
life inside Israel. True, the prosecutor of the Tel Aviv court cannot
announce officially that we have no freedom of expression, as Dr.
Erakat was publicly told in Nablus. But other declarations, trends,
and examples are added daily to the picture of the "territorial
regime" expanding inside Israel.
This article originally appeared in Davar on July
27, 1987, and was translated by Israel Shahak, an Israeli survivor
of Nazi concentration camps. The Washington Report periodically
reprints Dr. Shahak's translations of Israel's Hebrew press. |