Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, October/November
1998, pages 10, 17
Words to Remember
Some Former U.S. Officials, Journalists Cite
Indulgence of Israel as Cause of American Troubles Overseas
Compiled by Richard H. Curtiss
(From the time U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dares-Salaam
were bombed on Aug. 7, leaving some 258 persons dead and as many
as 5,000 injured, a few American journalists, former high-ranking
U.S. officials, and even an incumbent U.S. senator began blaming—gingerly,
to avoid the wrath of Israels vindictive U.S. lobby—American
reluctance to rein in an out-of-control Israeli government for many
of Americas troubles in the Islamic world.
Although such widespread comments speak for themselves,
it is significant that none come from the U.S. medias most
frequently quoted terrorism experts, who avoid causes
of terrorism and mention only effects, and other journalistic friends
of Israel, whose enthusiasm about fighting rather than avoiding
a long-term war against terrorism initially almost drowned
out American voices of reason. Nevertheless, as the following quotations
demonstrate, there were such voices of realism, starting with a
significant exchange on CNNs nightly Crossfire
television program only five days after the initial shock of the
embassy bombings:)
Columnist Bob Novak: Lets be honest,
the reason were in trouble is not because were having
some great internal power struggle with some other superpower. Its
our policy on Israel thats causing this. Isnt that correct?
Former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger:
I think thats had a lot to do with it, Bob. I cant
argue that at all. Again, the issue of whether our policy with regard
to Israel is correct or not is another question. But when we have
a policy and when others object to it and take to shooting us, it
seems to me that we ought to first of all take a look at the policy.
I dont argue that.
Novak: I had lunch today at the embassy
of a major power—I wont mention the name—no security at all.
It isnt the security preparations, its the policies
that make you vulnerable. As long as we knuckle under to Israel
on issue after issue were going to be a pariah and in trouble
around the world... Policy ought to be changed on Israel.
—Excerpts from Crossfire, Aug. 12, 1998
We can pursue policies and strategies that in
the long term weaken terrorisms roots. We can pursue a peace
in the Middle East that does not kowtow to Israeli Prime Minister
Binyamin Netanyahus obstructionism and betrayal of Yitzhak
Rabins legacy.
—Former CIA Director Robert Gates, New York Times,
Aug. 16, 1998
For many Middle East watchers, Washington is motivated
above all else by concern for the survival of Israel, and its Middle
East policy has been designed to forestall the emergence of any
entity that could threaten that survival. It is only in this specific
context that dual containment of Israels potential
adversaries, Iraq and Iran, makes any sense.
—Retired U.S. Foreign Service Officer Curtis F. Jones,
The News and Observer, Raleigh, NC, Aug. 16, 1998
The main reason for Arab unhappiness with U.S.
policy in the Middle East remains a perception that the United States
is leaning too far toward Israel in negotiations aimed at forging
a broader Arab-Israeli peace.
—Staff writer Douglas Jehl, New York Times, Aug.
21, 1998
[Overseas] reaction at street level [to U.S. retaliatory
missile strikes] could also be harsh. The U.S. has provoked real
anger with its inability to push Israel toward a Middle East peace
agreement and its threats of military action against Iraq.
—Editorial, Wall Street Journal, Aug. 21, 1998
Israels expression of strong support for
the American action only served to underline the close friendship
between the two countries—a special relationship that, along with
continuing Arab perceptions of an imbalance in regional U.S. policy,
is one of the root causes of growing anger in the Middle East with
the United States, among militants and mainstream people alike...More
broadly, many Arabs perceive Israel, backed by its superpower ally,
as an occupying force on Palestinian land, with the issue of Jerusalems
Old City and its holy sites among the most sensitive. The Al Aqsa
mosque is considered the third-holiest site in Islam, after Mecca
and Medina in Saudi Arabia, and wresting control of the Old City
from Israel is a rallying cry for many Muslims.
—Staff writer Rebecca Trounson, Los Angeles Times,
Aug. 22, 1998
For a long time now the Clinton team has understood
how much of a powder keg the Middle East was, but they have been
reluctant to make the hard decisions to defuse that power keg—by
confronting Saddam, recreating a moderate political center to combat
fundamentalism, laying out a pathway for those in Iran who would
like to move out of their isolation and insisting on progress in
the Arab-Israeli peace process as a U.S. national interest.
—U.S. Middle East specialist Stephen P. Cohen, quoted
by New York Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman, Aug. 22,
1998
American credibility in the Arab world had already
suffered because of Washingtons failure to secure an interim
settlement in the Middle East peace negotiations. Arab countries
are reluctant to provide public support for American military operations
like Thursdays, even when aimed at Bin Laden, who is working
to undermine the established Arab regimes.
—Staff writer Steven Erlanger, New York Times, Aug.
23, 1998
When targets are clearly identified, as they seemed
to be in this instance, military strikes can be justified. But such
strikes are secondary to diligent efforts to weaken terrorisms
inner dynamic. In this regard, renewed commitment to a workable
peace between the Palestinians and Israel is crucial. That core
conflict remains an engine of terrorism...Finally, the point made
last week by President Clinton in his statement about Afghanistan
and Sudan attacks cant be too strongly reiterated; Islam is
not a target or an enemy. Terrorism, with its taking of innocent
lives, is an affront to Islam as it is to Christianity.
—Editorial, Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 24,
1998
Reasons for anger range from the American retaliation
coming too quickly to the role of the Monica Lewinsky scandal. But
the chief reason for such widespread opprobrium, analysts say, is
that U.S. policy toward the Mideast is often perceived as unjust,
arrogant and heavy-handed. They point to this administrations
reluctance to pressure Israel, while Israel is seen to be responsible
for the collapse of the Mideast peace process...The No. 1
problem is the peace process, says one Syrian analyst who
asked not to be named. Arab anti-Americanism is not genuinely
anti-American: It is directly related to the Israel-Arab conflict.
—Staff Writer Scott Peterson, Christian Science Monitor,
Aug. 24, 1998
Sending the right signals to the Muslim world
will not be an easy task. Pakistani officials give Clinton high
marks for comments saying that the strikes were not aimed at Islam.
Yet the fundamental issue is one of a perceived American attitude
of indifference, and a blind spot in its support of Israel.
—Staff Writer Robert Marquand, Christian Science
Monitor, Aug. 24, 1998
What do they [the Muslims] perceive? They see
a Washington unwilling to act evenhandedly in the Arab-Israeli peace
process and infinitely tolerant of a hard-line government in Israel
that denies Palestinians land, dignity and statehood. They perceive
double standards that allow Israel to violate U.N. resolutions,
but not Iraq; that Israeli nukes are OK, but not nukes in Muslim
hands...They see themselves routinely humbled by use of overwhelming
Israeli power...Muslims are concerned that there are no Muslim Americans
involved in high-level U.S. policymaking in the Middle East, but
that Jewish Americans occupy nearly every single senior position
relating to U.S. Arab-Israeli policy.
—Rand Corporation Middle East specialist Graham Fuller,
Los Angeles Times, Aug. 24, 1998
Its no coincidence that the low ebb of Mideast
terrorism came in the mid-1990s when PLO chief Yasser Arafat returned
home and peace at last appeared headed Israels way. But with
the peace efforts now in ruins, many Muslims blame the U.S., viewing
it more and more as an advocate of Israel, no matter what.
—Staff Reporter Neil King Jr., Wall Street Journal,
Aug. 25, 1998
Arab resentment has risen in part because the
United States demands strict enforcement of U.N. resolutions by
Iraq—while seeming reluctant to press Israel on peace process issues.
No U.S. official wants to address this situation publicly. But one
need only recall the negative Arab reaction to our talk of a military
strike on Iraq last February to appreciate how these issues are
intertwined.
—Former Asst. Sec. of State Richard W. Murphy, Washington
Post, Aug. 26, 1998
In the Arab world, the presidents statement
that America is a target because it is acting to advance peace,
democracy and basic human values will sound off the mark to
Palestinians and their supporters.
—Former Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs
David D. Newsom, Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 26, 1998
The Israeli government essentially continues to
play games...What I fear more today is that desperate men do desperate
things when you take hope away. And thats where the Palestinians
are today.
—Nebraska Republican Sen. Chuck Hagel, member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
The supreme irritants in U.S. relations with the
Muslim world—the Arab-Israeli conflict and the perception that America
sides with Israel—must be removed. Among other things, this means
pressing Israels government to stop stalling and withdraw
from more of the West Bank as promised. Congress can do its part
by stopping its dont press Israel grandstanding.
—Editorial, Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 31,
1998
The Middle East struggle is the dispute that,
along with the Irish question, spawned the terrorist age we now
suffer, and it is this crisis, above all others, that holds a number
of keys to success in curbing the excesses of that age. Movement
in the peace process also would help to persuade others to join
us in the struggle. The hard truth is that we cannot make serious
progress in the fight against terrorism without the help of other
governments. Yet without progress in the peace process, many governments
will hesitate to join us in taking tough steps because they fear
the reaction of their own populations.
—Charles William Maynes, president of the Eurasia Foundation,
Washington Post, Aug. 31, 1998
The Clinton administrations unwillingness
to challenge Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel on his undermining
of the Oslo peace accord has already turned public opinion in even
moderate Arab states more anti-American.
—Syndicated columnist Anthony Lewis, New York Times,
Sept. 1, 1998
Richard H.
Curtiss is the executive editor of the Washington Report on Middle
East Affairs. |