Sunshine & Pro-Israel PACs

By Edward Roeder

Candidates for next month's Senate and House elections have received more than $1.8 million from at least 54 political action committees (PACs) seeking to influence the elections in a way which ultimately will benefit the state of Israel. By election day that sum is expected to grow even larger, since these pro-Israel PACs raised over $4 million by mid-summer, with cash on hand to spend of over eight hundred thousand dollars.

Based on computer analyses of financial reports filed through July—the last quarterly filing deadline—with the Federal Election Commission (FEC), PACs advocating Israeli interests have contributed to campaigns in 29 of the 33 Senate elections and 154 of the 435 U.S. House races, as well as to campaigns in every state in the union except Utah and Idaho. Several campaigns have now raised more from pro-Israel PACs than from PACs representing any other interests. At least 14 campaigns for the 33 Senate seats contested in the 1984 elections have raised more than $30,000 each from pro-Israel PACs. More than three-quarters of the pro-Israel PAC money has gone to Democrats.

"In fact, the active pro-Israel PACs all have names suggesting nothing whatever to do with the Middle East, Israel, Zionism, American Jewry, or even foreign policy."

The PACs target their funds to incumbent—and sympathetic—congressmen who sit on committees with jurisdiction over foreign policy, spending, and military affairs, or to opponents of committee members who have not consistently voted in favor of Israeli interests. Pro-Israel PACs have given more than $576,000 to campaigns of Senate Foreign Relations Committee members, or their opponents. Sen. Rudy Boschwitz (R-MN), an avid supporter of Israel who chairs the Near Eastern Affairs Subcommittee of the Foreign Relations Committee, has received $95,100 for his reelection bid—more than all other Senate Republicans combined during this period.

PACs, which are organized legally to raise and spend money to influence federal elections, are required to register with the FEC, and to report publicly their fundraising and contributions. But the disclosure law does not require PACs to reveal their political interests or purposes. The law allows PACs to choose any name for themselves if they do not have a "sponsor"—such as a corporation, labor union, or trade or professional organization—paying their operating expenses. None of the pro-Israel PACs is sponsored. Those spending significant amounts are registered under names that do not disclose their interests to citizens, journalists, opposition campaigns, or others who peruse campaign finance disclosure reports.

In fact, the active pro-Israel PACs all have names suggesting nothing whatever to do with the Middle East, Israel, Zionism, American Jewry, or even foreign policy. Those with names that even vaguely suggest political links to foreign policy or the American Jewish community are inactive and have failed to file required periodic disclosure reports with the FEC, or have reported that they have little or no money.

One former official of a pro-Israel PAC, who asked not to be identified, told of being criticized and chastised by an official of another pro-Israel PAC for choosing a PAC name that merely suggested the PAC's links to American Jewry. "Leaders of the other PACs appeared to be concerned about being out front with the name 'Jewish' in a PAC name, or with any name associated with Israel," the former PAC official said. "They're afraid of the appearance of being tagged as part of the 'all-powerful Jewish Lobby.' They just thought it was a bad idea and didn't want me to do it." His PAC is now inactive. Another pro-Israel PAC, formerly called "Texans for a Sound Middle East Policy." changed its name last year to simply "TxPAC."

The pro-Israel PACs referred to in this story were identified as such in interviews or documents obtained from officials of the PACs, from contributors, and from party political committees, campaigns, and Washington lobbyists.

"Like most of the pro-Israel PACs, Delaware Valley PAC opposes members of Congress who deviate even slightly from unqualified support for Israel."

The largest pro-Israel PAC, called National Political Action Committee, or NATPAC, raised more than $1 million and contributed more than half that amount to congressional candidates nationwide in the 1981-82 election cycle, more than any other unsponsored PAC. Established by New York city businessman Marvin Josephson in 1982, NATPAC had raised nearly $1.5 million by the end of July, 1984. NATPAC officials freely admit their purpose is to elect members of Congress who will support Israeli interests in Congress.

Other pro-Israel PACs that have raised more than $100,000 in this election cycle are named Americans for Good Government ($104,067); citizens Organized Political Action Committee ($117,493); Delaware Valley PAC ($205,970); Desert Caucus ($145,042); Florida Congressional Committee ($101,605); Joint Action Committee for Political Affairs ($281,111); Roundtable PAC ($158,157); San Franciscans for Good Government ($110,329); St. Louisians for Better Government ($129,975); and Washington Political Action Committee ($184,166).

When asked the purpose of the Delaware Valley PAC, which has raised $205,970 in 1983-84, the PAC treasurer in Philadelphia responded, "Basically, we don't give that out." Robert Golder, president of the PAC, was more forthcoming, after asking several questions and delaying to make phone calls to verify a reporter's credentials. "This PAC is a group of American Jewish people working for a stronger American position on Israel," he said. Golder affirmed that the name "Delaware Valley PAC" is intentionally nondescript. "We see no need to have a specific name, a specific title," he said, pointing out that the greater Philadelphia area is locally referred to as the Delaware Valley. "I don't know that it's necessary for outsiders to know who we are," Golder added. "It's a small group of Jewish fundraisers raising money from mostly Jewish contributors, and we can explain who we are to them."

Golder explained his PAC's reasons for contributing the maximum allowed by law, $10,000 apiece, to the opponents of Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Charles Percy, and to Jesse Helms, who is next in line to become chairman of that committee since Howard Baker (R-TN) is retiring. "This guy (Helms) has never voted for Israel. Whether it's foreign aid or airplanes or economic aid or grants, he votes against Israel. It doesn't really matter to me that he's antiSemitic. It matters personally, but as president of a PAC what matters to me is that as a Senator with a vote he (Helms) is 100 percent against Israel and we are interested in helping the state of Israel."

Like most of the pro-Israel PACs, Delaware Valley PAC opposes members of Congress who deviate even slightly from unqualified support for Israel. "Sen. Percy is a very powerful senator," Golder said. "Because, unlike Helms, he is a moderate, and people listen when he talks, and he has not always been for Israel. lie has not been 100 percent pro-Israel. We would be much happier with Paul Simon, who is 100 percent pro-Israel."

Rep. Paul Simon (D-IL), a House member seeking to unseat Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Charles Percy, has garnered more of the pro-Israel PAC money than any other candidate, a total of at least $147,870 through last July. That is nearly a third of the $472,000 he has received from all PACs in this election cycle, according to Simon's campaign finance disclosure reports.

Kathy Lydon, press secretary to Percy's campaign, was aware of the large amounts Simon has raised from pro-Israel PACs. She said these PACs are opposing Sen. Percy "doubtless because of his votes, one vote, and that was on the sale of the AWACS to the Saudis."

Democratic Gov. James B. Hunt of North Carolina, who is seeking to oust Jesse Helms, has received at least $130,000 from pro-Israel PACs. That amounts to more than 30 percent of the $431,000 in PAC receipts reported thus far by Hunt. Will Marshall, Hunt's campaign press secretary, said he wasn't surprised that pro-Israel PACs provided so much of the campaign's PAC money: "Sen. Helms has the worst anti-Israel record in the U.S. Senate, and supporters of Israel throughout the country know it."

Helms's campaign press secretary, Claude Allen, denied that Helms is a foe of Jews or Israel." It has been alleged that Sen. Helms has cast some 25 anti-Israel votes, yet 23 of the votes in question were on foreign aid (authorizing) legislation and appropriations. But since entering the U.S. Senate in 1973, Sen. Helms has consistently voted against all foreign aid legislation and appropriations, regardless of the beneficiaries," Allen said. "The- remaining votes in question -were in support of the Carter Administration on AWACS and F-16s (fighter planes) for the Saudis, and Sen. Helms voted with the majority of the U.S. Senate on both occasions."

"Candidates for 29 of the 33 Senate seats for which elections will be held next month have received $1.2 million thus far from pro-Israel PACs..."

Sen. Carl Levin (D-MI) has raised more than $140,000 from pro-Israel PACs, 35 percent of the $400,000 total his campaign has reported raising from PACs. Levin's aide Gordon Kerr said: "I guess they like his position. He's always voted for money for Israel, and he's a member of Armed Services," the committee which oversees arms transfers.

"I don't see anything inappropriate about it," Kerr said of the pro-Israel PAC money, most of which came from PACs largely run and supported by people who live outside of Michigan. "If (campaigns) took money only from in-state, most campaigns would lose."

One of Kerr's comments indicated that he—like so many others in politics and campaign finance—associates pro-Israel PACs with Judaism. "We don't characterize them (PACs) by religion," was his first response when asked about the pro-Israel PAC money, though no prior mention of Jews or Levin's Jewish religion had been made.

Rep. Clarence D. Long (D-MD), chairman of the House Foreign Operations Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee, has received $97,500 from pro-Israel PACs, more than 61 percent of the $157,800 in total PAC receipts listed in his disclosure reports through July. This amounts to more than four times the sum given to any House candidate by pro-Israel PACs during this period.

The same PACs have given $684,465 in 1983-84 to candidates for the 435 House seats, all of which are up for election this fall. According to the latest reports filed with the FEC, these PACs now have yet another $838,847 in cash on hand.

While the House originates spending bills, more foreign policy authority is in the Senate, which—unlike the House—has constitutional responsibility to consider treaties and to confirm or reject presidential appointments of ambassadors and other high foreign policy officials.

Candidates for 29 of the 33 Senate seats for which elections will be held next month have received $1.2 million thus far from pro-Israel PACs, which have also given another $851,873 to senators now in office who are not facing reelection this year.

Aside from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, other committees with jurisdiction over national security and foreign affairs have attracted large amounts of pro-Israel PAC money. Campaigns of senators on the Armed Services Committee, or their opponents in cases of senators not consistently sympathetic to Israel, have received some $387,158 from pro-Israel PACs. Senate Appropriations Committee members and their opponents have received $367,900.

Edward Roeder is editor of Sunshine News Services, which reports on campaign finance, and the author of PACs Americana, a directory of political action committees and their interests.