September/October 1993, Page 81
Archeology
Geneticists Trace Migration of Mideast Agriculturists
to Europe
By Kurt Holden
"[Dr. Cavalli-Sforza] finds that after the introduction of
agriculture in the Middle East about 10,000 years ago, farmers from
there spread at the rate of one kilometer, or five-eighths of a
mile, a year, eventually settling throughout Europe. "
Louise Levathes, New York Times July 27, 1993
The world generally credits the Sumerians, who lived in the marshlands
created by the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in southern Iraq, with
the development of civilization. Although nearly contemporary river
valley civilizations also developed in the Nile Valley of Egypt
and the Indus Valley of Pakistan, the Sumerians seem to have been
the first people to live in cities and to create a system of writing.
Scientists also regard the "fertile crescent," an arc
linking Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel/Palestine,
as the site of the earlier "neolithic revolution," when
hunter-gatherers first learned to plant crops, and then created
permanent settlements to cultivate, guard and harvest them. The
evidence is the fact that wild ancestors of the food crops associated
with traditional Middle Eastern and European agriculture are native
to the fertile crescent.
Pinpointing the Birth of Agriculture
Now archeologists maintain they have pinpointed the time agriculture
was born to just over l0,000 years ago, and the place to within
a 100-mile radius of the Dead Sea, between present-day Jordan and
Israel. Meanwhile, from unrelated studies, some biological scientists
conclude that the agricultural technology developed in that period
subsequently spread from the Middle East to northernmost and westernmost
Europe not through cultural diffusion, but through actual migrations
of the Middle Eastern people who developed it.
According to these scientists, who have examined the genetic makeup
of modern populations throughout Europe, agricultural people spread
from Turkey as far afield as Finland, Sweden and Ireland, intermarrying
with the less numerous hunter-gathering clans they found occupying
those lands in a migration that continued for some 6,000 years.
Dr. Frank Hole, an archeologist, and Joy McCoriston, an archeobotanist,
both of Yale University, described in American Anthropology in
March of 1991 the circumstances under which they believe agriculture
was born. Starting around 12,000 BC, they wrote, the summertime
climate in the Levant became increasingly hot and dry, reducing
the supply of wild game and vegetation and drying up the small lakes
upon which foraging people, who already were familiar with wild
grain, had depended for water.
Core samples from the ancient lakes indicate the change in climate
caused a shift toward Mediterranean-type vegetation, with leathery,
water-retaining leaves. Annual grasses, which complete their life
cycle in the spring with large seeds in hard cases that will endure
through a dry season to germinate with the return of moisture, increasingly
replaced perennial vegetation.
The time of this change represented a "convergence" of
historical accidents, according to Dr. Hole. "People are ready,
they have technology adapted to plant foods," he explained.
"The plants themselves are proliferating. And the climate requires
people to overcome long periods when foods are not available."
No such earlier convergence has been found elsewhere, according
to the Yale scientists, who focused their study upon people of the
Natufian culture, named after an archeological site in present-day
Palestine called Wadi Al-Natuf. At the time of the climate change,
the Natufians had developed the flint sickles and stone mortars
and pestles needed to harvest and process wild grains and, based
upon the seashell badges of rank found in their tombs, had a developed
social structure.
They built stone houses and, the two scientists suspect, it was
they who exploited a genetic mutation that occurred within the area's
wild einkorn wheat as they began to plant and harvest it. In the
wild, most of the wheat stalks shed their grains separately, which
made them difficult to collect. Just over 10,000 years ago, however,
a mutation had occurred that caused grains in a tiny percentage
of the wheat to become fatter and stick more tenaciously to the
stalk. The Natufians apparently saved for replanting a portion of
the seeds they harvested, and, because the intact heads were less
likely to be lost in the fields and more likely to be collected
by the Natufians, each year an increasing percentage of the wheat
planted was of the new and more nutritious variety.
No such domesticated seeds have yet been found in Natufian sites.
Carbonized remains of domesticated grains have been recovered, however,
from settlements inhabited by the immediate successors, and biological
descendants, of the Natufians. Based upon mathematical calculations,
scientists believe the change from wild einkorn wheat to the domestic
variety could have been accomplished quite naturally by an agricultural
people in as few as 22 years. Hole and McCoristan say the evidence
points to the Natufians as the people who carried out this revolution.
Not only did the Natufians begin to live in well-constructed stone
houses, but scattered hunting camps they formerly maintained for
brief occupancy disappear from the archeological record. The record
also shows, right after the end of the Natufian culture, the rapid
spread not only of domesticated wheat, but also of barley, peas
and beans. Scientists estimate that this first agricultural revolution
spread northward into Turkey and Mesopotamia at the rate of about
one kilometer per year. Animals were domesticated about 1,000 years
later.
This theory of the exact time and place of the domestication of
plants is, however, still disputed, as is another relatively new
theory that the agriculturists carried the new techniques of agriculture
with them as they multiplied and spread out from the scene of its
invention. This hypothesis questions the earlier and still widely
held theory of cultural diffusion, whereby neighboring hunter-gatherer
clans would observe what the agriculturists were doing, and then
adopt the techniques themselves.
Early Farmers and the Spread of Languages
The cultural diffusion theory was sharply challenged by the publication
in May 1991 in the British journal Nature of an analysis
of the genetic make-up of people at some 3,300 sites across Europe.
The analysis was undertaken by Dr. Robert R. Sokal, Dr. Neal L.
Oden and Chester Wilson of the State University of New York at Stony
Brook. It established that, progressing from southern Turkey, near
where agriculture originated, toward northern Europe, certain genes
become scarcer in the human populations.
These results support the theory that as an original population
pressed outward, intermarrying with hunter-gatherer populations
in its path, its original genes were only gradually diluted. The
present-day biological gradient also correlates with what is known
of the spread of agriculture, whose routes and timing have been
established from the archeological record.
This record indicates agriculture being practiced in eastern and
central Turkey around 10,500 years ago, in western Turkey between
7,500 and 8,000 years ago, in southern Europe between 7,000 and
7,500 years ago, Central Europe 6,000 to 6,500 years ago, France
and north Germany 5,500 to 6,000 years ago, Sweden and Russia 5,000
to 5,500 years ago, and in the British Isles and Finland between
4,500 and 5,000 years ago.
The hypothesis that genetic and cultural change moved in tandem
from the Middle East through the Balkans as agriculture enabled
populations to increase and forced them to seek new land was first
proposed several years ago by Dr. Luca L. CavalliSforza and Dr.
Robert J. Ammerman at Stanford University. They argued that agriculture
was transmitted by the physical movement of people, not by the exchange
of information.
Dr. Colin Renfrew, an archeologist at Cambridge University in England,
seized upon this hypothesis for his own theory that Indo-European
languages were not spread throughout Europe, Iran and northern India
by successive waves of warlike conquerors from the area of the present-day
Ukraine, but evolved from the language carried with the agriculturists.
This association of Indo-European languages with advancing agricultural
people from the Middle East is hotly disputed, however. Archeologist
Marija Gimbutas of the University of California at Los Angeles,
an exponent of the belief that the Indo-Europeans were conquerers,
disputes the idea that their language may have been spread by agricultural
migration.
"It is more complicated than that," Dr. Gimbutas maintains.
In some areas of Spain and France as well as in parts of Eastern
Europe, she says, farming was successfully transmitted without migration
of the farmers themselves. She therefore finds Dr. Renfrew's hypothesis
on the spread of Indo-European languages "not acceptable. "
In fact, it is the theories of Cavalli Sforza and Gimbutas that
are easily reconciled. The former believes that the sole direct
survivors of the agriculturists who started spreading from the Middle
East 10,000 years ago are the Basques of southwestern France and
adjacent areas of Spain. Their language is unrelated to any other
spoken in Europe.
This clears the field for Dr. Gimbutas' hypothesis that between
6,000 and 4,000 years ago, horsemen migrated very rapidly out of
the steppes of southwestern Russia, spreading their Kurgan culture
and the original Indo-European language across a Europe already
occupied by the remnants of hunter-gatherers and by the Middle Eastern
agriculturists who had largely replaced them.
Dr. Cavalli-Sforza's genetic survey supports this incursion. "We
discovered an area of population expansion that almost perfectly
matched Gimbutas' projection for the center of Kurgan culture,"
he explains.
Commenting imaginatively in Nature on the agricultural migration
model of Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza, Dr. J.S. Jones of University
College, London, writes that the impact of the migrations of ever-increasing
agricultural people on the hunter-gatherers who were in their path
must have resembled "a process of gentrificationor even
yuppificationfrom the east." The evidence gathered by
evolutionary biologist Sokal and his colleagues, however, indicates
that the hunter-gatherers who survived the meeting of cultures were
absorbed into the advancing population of farmers. These studies,
Jones writes, demonstrate that in their biological make-up modern
Europeans "still reflect the migrations of ancient farmers
who spread from the Middle East."
Kurt Holden, a retired film-maker, divides his time between
Washington, DC and the Mideast. |