September/October 1993, Page 28
Right to Left
As Clinton Dithers, Bosnia Dies
By Nathan Jones
George, no one got what they voted for last November. I voted on
foreign policy because I think what we do abroad right now will
determine the number and quality of the domestic jobs the politicians
will be dividing at home for a long time to come. I voted against
a Slick Willie who had an answer to every question for the evening
sound bites, but whose numbers didn't add up the next morning.
Others concerned with foreign policy voted for Willie the Wonk
because they believed when he turned his compassionate intelligence
to foreign policy, the results would be good.
What we all got was Waffling Willie. He promised to sustain the
momentum of the Middle East peace talks. To do it, however, he sped
up the naturalization of Martin Indyk, a former adviser to Israeli
Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir and former lobbyist for Israel, to
be the White House Middle East adviser. By the end of Clinton's
first month in office the peace talks were derailed.
Even Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who owes his Labor Party
victory in Israel a year ago to Bush administration pressure on
Shamir, may be in a panic. Since there no longer is even a pretext
of U. S. financial coercion on Israel to trade land for peace, Rabin
knows the Israeli voters can replace him with Likud strongman Binyamin
Netanyahu, who doesn't conceal his own desire to keep all the land
by sweeping the Palestinans out of it.
That's a bigger bite than Israel ever can chew, and Israel's immigrants
from Europe and their children know it. They are leaving the country
in droves. Some because they don't like the prospect of facing increasingly
sophisticated Scud missiles every decade or so. Some because they
don't relish living in a country to which the fascism and fundamentalism
that made a Jew's life hell in Eastern Europe in the first half
of this century now is following them.
Even worse, however, is Bill Clinton's unwillingness or inability
to turn back the wave of ethnic and religious genocide that is a
brushfire in Bosnia now, but will become a roaring forest fire in
Eastern Europe if it isn't checked.
During the election campaign Clinton promised a more activist policy
in Bosnia, and what he suggested on taking office made sense. He
would lobby the U.N. to lift the arms embargo that kept only the
legitimate government of Bosnia, not its Serb and Croat tormentors,
from getting arms to defend Bosnian borders.
Instead of just sending unarmed U.S. aircraft with relief supplies
daily to Sarajevo and nightly to besieged Muslim areas, he also
would send armed aircraft to support U.N. peacemakers protecting
Sarajevo and other besieged enclaves, with air strikes against the
Serb artillery shelling "safe areas, " and bomb the bridges
between Serbia and Bosnia if necessary.
The Serbs twice stopped shelling when they thought U.S. planes
might be coming. Clinton had Democratic and Republican support in
Congress, and polls showed more Americans for intervention than
against it, so long as it was part of an international effort.
Then, suddenly, it turned out we weren't lining up an international
coalition, but were only in a "listening mode." What Americans
heard was the negativism we always hear from Europeans.
President Clinton should have been choosing among the military
and political options presented by his staff, explaining them to
Congress and the American people, and sending his secretary of state
out to get the Western Europeans aboard. That's what the Europeans
expected and might have welcomed. Instead, Clinton has blamed the
Europeans for the failure of U. S. Leadership. Meanwhile the Republic
of Bosnia, to which the U.S. has granted formal recognition, dies
under Serbian guns.
"Not since the siege of Leningrad or Stalingrad has there
been anything like it, " said the Christian Science
Monitor. "The fall of multiethnic Sarajevo would have implications
well beyond the human tragedy. It would represent the victory of
a systematic racist and fascist policy and begin to define the geopolitical
world. " The Washington Post has called it "one
of the great set pieces of political tragedy of the late 20th century.
"
George, is it possible Bill Clinton never heard of Ethiopia in
1935, and Czechoslovakia in 1938? In both places, early and unified
collective action might have saved the 55 million lives lost in
World War II.
The White House let it be known President Clinton was disturbed
by the television footage from Bosnia he saw while he was in Tokyo.
Where has he been while the rest of us have been watching this sickening
slaughter for more than a yearplaying video games?
This is a defining moment for his presidency and for some semblance
of world order, but we're stuck with a president who loves to schmooze,
make friends and run for election, but obviously hates to lead.
While the Middle East peace process, Bosnia, and the "new world
order" are dying, Bill Clinton's been looking for someone else
to blame.
Nathan Jones is a frequent contributor to the Washington
Report on Middle East Affairs. |