Washington Report, September 6, 1982, Page 6

Facts For Your Files: A Chronology of U.S.-Middle East Relations

August 20:

President Reagan formally announced his order to send 800 U.S. marines to Lebanon to participate, as part of a multinational peacekeeping force, in the safe evacuation of PLO forces from West Beirut. "In no case," the President said, "will our troops stay longer than 30 days." He also said the evacuation would "set the stage for ... the rapid withdrawal of all foreign forces from that country." He added: "We must also move quickly in the context of Camp David to resolve the Palestinian issue in all its aspects, as well as the other unresolved problems in the Arab-Israeli conflict."

August 23:

President Reagan sent a congratulatory letter to the newly elected President of Lebanon, Bashir Gemayel, who takes office on September 23.

August 24:

Reagan Administration officials said that the United States is planning a large-scale military exercise with Oman sometime this fall to help reassure "friendly" countries in the Gulf that the U.S. is prepared to assist them in an emergency.

August 24:

In his letter officially informing Congress of the decision to send U.S. marines to Beirut, President Reagan listed the following U.S. "objectives" in Lebanon: "A permanent cessation of hostilities. Establishment of a strong, representative government. Withdrawal of all foreign forces. Restoration of control by the Lebanese government throughout the country. And establishment of conditions under which Lebanon no longer can be used as a launching point for attacks against Israel."

August 25:

Eight hundred U.S. marines from the 32nd Amphibious Marine unit took up positions in the port of Beirut.

August 27:

Following meetings in Washington with U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, Israel's Defense Minister Ariel Sharon told reporters that Israel "will never agree" to the establishment of a Palestinian state on the West Bank. He also said that Israel's cabinet would not discuss any peace plan for the area which was not in strict conformity with the Camp David agreements.

August 30:

White House spokesman Larry Speakes, reading a statement that was personally approved by President Reagan, said: "The Reagan Administration, like its predecessors, is committed to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Jordan and our support for its enduring character." He added: "We do not agree that Jordan is a Palestinian state."

September 1:

President Reagan announced a new U.S. peace plan for the Mideast in a television speech. For text excerpts, see below.

Key Excerpts From Reagan's Peace Proposal of Sept. 1, 1982

First, as outlined in the Camp David accords, there must be a period of time during which the Palestinian inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza will have full autonomy over their own affairs. Due consideration must be given to the principle of self -government by the inhabitants of the territories and to the legitimate security concerns of the parties involved.

The purpose of the five-year period of transition which would begin after free elections for a self-governing Palestinian authority is to prove to the Palestinians that they can run their own affairs and that such Palestinian autonomy poses no threat to Israel's security.

The United States will not support the use of any additional land for the purpose of settlements during the transition period.

Indeed, the immediate adoption of a settlement freeze by Israel, more than any other action, could create the confidence needed for wider participation in the autonomy talks. Further settlement activity is no way necessary for the security of Israel and only diminishes the confidence of the Arabs that a final outcome can be freely and fairly negotiated....

Beyond the transition period, as we look to the future of the West Bank and Gaza, it is clear to me that peace cannot be achieved by the formation of an independent Palestinian state in those territories. Nor is it achievable on the basis of Israeli sovereignty or permanent control over the West Bank and Gaza.

So the United States will not support the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, and we will not support annexation or permanent control by Israel.

There is, however, another way to peace. The final status of these lands must, of course, be reached through the give-and-take of negotiations. But it is the firm view of the United States that self-government by the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza in association with Jordan offers the best chance of a durable, just and lasting peace.

We base our approach squarely on the principle that the Arab-Israeli conflict should be resolved through negotiations involving an exchange of territory for peace.

This exchange is enshrined in United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 which is, in turn, incorporated in all its parts in the Camp David agreements. U.N. Resolution 242 remains wholly valid as the foundation stone of America's Middle East peace effort.

It is the United States' position that, in return for peace, the withdrawal provision of Resolution 242 applies to all fronts, including the West Bank and Gaza.

When the border is negotiated between Jordan and Israel, our view on the extent to which Israel should be asked to give up territory will be heavily affected by the extent of true peace and normalization and the security arrangements offered in return.

Finally, we remain convinced that Jerusalem must remain undivided, but its final status should be decided through negotiations.