Washington Report on Middle East Affairs,
August/September 1997, pg. 44
Talking Turkey
Turkey's Islamist-Led Government Seeking to
Call New Elections
by James M. Dorsey
After less than one year, Turkey's Islamist-led government
is crumbling under mounting military-backed secular pressure that
it resign.
As a result, Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, hoping
to return to government with an even stronger popular mandate, has
announced that his embattled coalition government may seek an early
election. He says he could allow Foreign Minister Tansu Ciller,
leader of the center-right True Path Party (DYP), the junior partner
in the coalition, to head a caretaker government until the election
takes place. Under the government protocol, Mrs. Ciller was originally
due to take over as prime minister in June 1998.
Tough Conditions
But Erbakan has some tough conditions that need to
be fulfilled before a handover takes place: parliament must first
vote in favor of an early election and shield his pro-Islamic Welfare
Party from the threat of a ban by the Constitutional Court. Top
Turkish prosecutor Vural Savas petitioned the Constitutional Court
in May to ban the Welfare Party on charges that the party's Islamist
stance violates the secular nature of the constitution and is pushing
Turkey toward a civil war.
Erbakan's conditions also are designed to force President
Suleyman Demirel's hand. Senior government officials say that Demirel
was more inclined to adhere to traditional practice in forming governments
than simply giving Erbakan and Ciller a green light.
Under Turkish law Erbakan would first have to resign,
after which Demirel would then ask a politician of his choice to
form a government. Traditionally that would be the leader of the
largest political party, in this case Erbakan. If he fails, Demirel
would ask opposition Motherland Party (ANAP) leader Mesut Yilmaz
as head of the second largest party, and only in case he too proves
unable to form a government would it be the turn of Mrs. Ciller,
whose party is the third largest in parliament.
Both Erbakan's Welfare and Ciller's DYP believe early
elections could defeat mounting military-backed pressure for a government
that would exclude the Islamists and crack down on Islamic activism.
The government and the powerful and staunchly secular military have
been on a collision course ever since the armed forces in February
began demanding that it curb the role of Islam in public life.
With military-backed pressure increasing, the government
already has lost its formal majority in the country's 550-member
parliament. In recent weeks, several DYP deputies have resigned,
reducing the number of government party deputies to 275. The resignations
follow the earlier departure of three of Ciller's ministers. Equally
serious is the withdrawal of DYP deputy chairman Necmettin Cevheri,
one of Ciller's staunchest supporters in recent years.
With military-backed pressure increasing, the government
already has lost its majority in parliament.
The weakening of the DYP comes as the government faces
a multi-pronged attack from its opponents:
- The main opposition Motherland Party (ANAP), headed by
Mesut Yilmaz, is preparing to introduce yet another no-confidence
motion in parliament, following the government's narrow
victory over a similar earlier bid. Preparations are certain
to include stepped-up efforts to persuade additional DYP
deputies to defect. As a result, Ciller could find that
the only way to salvage her leadership of the party might
be to pull the DYP out of its coalition with Prime Minister
Erbakan's pro-Islamic Refah (Welfare) Party
- At a recent meeting the Supreme Military Council forced
Erbakan to sign off on the expulsion of more than 100 military
officers suspected of Islamist sympathies. In this way,
senior commanders hoped to drive a wedge between the prime
minister and his party rank-and-file by forcing him to endorse
the expulsions from the armed forces. The meeting of the
Supreme Military Council, which groups the 15 most senior
commanders of the armed forces alongside the prime minister
and the defense minister, also served to demonstrate to
Erbakan unanimity in the military and to dash his hopes
that retirement this year of several of the most senior
commanders would reduce the pressure on him to curb the
role of Islam in public life. Erbakan has yet to comply
with measures against religious activism ordered in February
by the military-dominated National Security Council (NSC),
which groups the five most senior military commanders alongside
the president, prime minister and the ministers of foreign
affairs, defense and interior
- Some officials with close ties to the military suggest
that the prosecutors' petition to the Constitutional Court,
which could take the court six months to review, could effectively
block Welfare from calling an early election. They cite
the example of similar proceedings against the DYP in the
mid-1980s, when the court restricted that party's ability
to hold party primaries or local congresses as long as it
was under investigation. What was under investigation was
a petition against the DYP that called for its closure on
the grounds that it was simply a re-make of the Justice
Party that had been banned after the 1980 military coup.
The Constitutional Court subsequently dismissed the petition.
This time constitutional lawyers say Welfare's ability to
call an election would only be hampered if the court decides
to do so.
The military is likely to prefer the creation of another
government rather than an early election, which it says could provide
results as inconclusive as those of the December 1995 polls that
ultimately brought Welfare to office. Welfare, which received more
votes than any other party in the 1995 election, but not enough
to form a government by itself, hopes to increase its share of parliamentary
seats next time.
The military, however, would like to see a government
including ANAP and other secular parties that would introduce electoral
reform a two-tier election system similar to France and changes
to the political party law to ensure greater internal democracy
and loosen the grip of party leaders on the party apparatus. |