July 1989, Page 12
Is the Israeli Election Plan Feasible?Two Views
No: It's an Israeli Ploy
By Jerome M. Segal
Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir's basic objective is to thwart
the emergence of a Palestinian state. To do that he seeks to find
a way of ending the intifada and dividing the Palestinians. The
Palestinians' basic objective is to succeed in their efforts to
create a Palestinian state. To do that they seek to sustain the
intifada and to maintain their unity.
The Palestinians have at different points suggested various ideas
for elections. At the beginning of the intifada, local leaders called
for municipal elections. Last August, Bassani Abu Sharif, an adviser
to PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, floated the idea of a referendum
on whether or not the PLO represents the Palestinians of the West
Bank and Gaza. Most recently Abu Sharif has suggested elections
which would determine West Bank and Gazan representatives to an
all-encompassing legislative body of the Palestinian people. So
neither the PLO nor the Palestinian people are opposed to elections.
In short, the Israeli proposal offers the Palestinians little
reason to believe that this is a process through which their objectives
can be reached. It looks very much like a proposal to divide the
Palestinians, end the Intifada and prevent the emergence of a Palestinian
state.
What they oppose is the Shamir election plan. The plan has three
central features which make it unacceptable to the Palestinians.
- It provides no role for the PLO. In calling for the election
of a negotiating team other than the PLO, it threatens to divide
the Palestinians and lead them down the road toward a conflict
of leaderships.
- It provides no clear role for Palestinians outside the occupied
territories. Thus it tends to divorce the Palestinians living
inside the territories from the larger body of Palestinians on
the outside.
- It calls for negotiations leading to a five-year transitional
period, without any broad understanding of what is to follow.
For instance, it does not say that the final negotiations would
be based upon the principle of exchanging land for peace, and
nowhere does the Israeli proposal accept the necessity of ending
the occupation. What it does say is that the initiative is premised
on Israeli opposition to a Palestinian state.
In short, the Israeli proposal offers the Palestinians little reason
to believe that this is a process through which their objectives
can be reached. It looks very much like a proposal to divide the
Palestinians, end the intifada and prevent the emergence of a Palestinian
state.
No serious American or Israeli observer of the Middle East could
have expected that any Palestinian nationalist would accept this
proposal.
The US position is that Shamir's initiative provides something
to work with. Regardless of his motives, the process might take
on a life of its own, ultimately transforming the environment in
ways that will contribute to a peace settlement.
The PLO has not rejected the idea of elections. What it needs to
do, is to put on the table a detailed, precise and reasonable
counterproposal. Let the Americans take this counterproposal
back to the Israelis. Given the lack of good faith on Shamir's part,
it is likely that the Israeli government will not agree to a reasonable
offer. If this is the case, the onus will be on the Israeli government.
And if there should happen to be a real breakthrough, then let the
process begin.
Jerome M. Segal is a research scholar at the Institute for Philosophy
and Public Policy, University of Maryland His recent book, Creating
the Palestinian State-A Strategy for Peace is reviewed in this
issue of Washington Report and is available through the AET
Book Catalog. |