Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, June/July
1997, pgs. 79-80
Special Report
The Forward Is Backward: New York's Unclassifiable
Jewish Weekly
by Lenni Brenner
It's a story we would expect to come out of Moscow:
A Jewish journal, founded in 1897, which had busts of Marx and Engels
on its building facade, gets taken over by an eccentric millionaire
fond of his pet emu, and now it's in favor of Israel and the CIA.
But the ex-socialist paper is New York's Yiddish-language Forverts,
and Michael Steinhardt, half-owner of the English-language Forward,
is a stockbroker, worth $300 million.
Poland's kings gave refuge to German Jews persecuted
during the Middle Ages. They were sought as merchants and artisans
who would build up the peasant country. When a middle-class population
immigrates into an undeveloped country, they keep their religion
and language. Yiddish (Jewish) is written in Hebrew script, but
it is about 85 percent medieval German, with admixtures from Hebrew
and various Slavic tongues.
When 18th century Poland was partitioned, Russia acquired
most of these Yiddish speakers. By 1880 nearly 5 million Jews lived
in the "prison-house of the peoples." In 1881, the Tsar
was assassinated and pogroms, fomented or tolerated by the regime
to divert attention from itself, triggered a folk migration. One-third
of Eastern Europe's Jews voyaged to America. The migration continued
until 1925 when Washington imposed discriminatory immigration quotas.
In the late 19th century a Yiddish press appeared
in the Russian empire, and then in the U.S. Given the Russian repression,
many journalists became revolutionaries. Conditions in Manhattan's
Lower East Side Jewish community, the world's most densely populated
slum, produced more radicals.
At its height in 1920, the Forverts had 11 daily editions
as far west as Chicago and it was America's leading Jewish publication.
The de facto organ of the predominantly Jewish garment industry
unions of the American Federation of Labor, in 1914 it helped elect
a Socialist Party congressional representative from the Lower East
Side.
What remains of the Jewish labor movement is so pro-Israel
that it shocks Jews to learn that at its prime it loathed Zionism.
It had powerful arguments: 1) Ottoman Turkey would never give Palestine
to the Jews. And, even if they got it, Palestine was too economically
backward to absorb world Jewry. Workers had to fight for their rights
in the countries where they lived. 2) Nowhere outside of the minuscule
Zionist settlement in Palestine was Hebrew a living language. It
could never be the language of world Jewry. 3) Zionists came to
their Jewish bosses for donations. They knew that the money really
belonged to them because capitalist charity comes out of profits
which workers produce by the sweat of their brows.
At its prime, the Jewish labor movement loathed Zionism.
The long march to Zionism had more to do with Marxism's
contradictions than with Zionism's attractive powers. Poverty pushed
workers into unions organized by the revolutionary minority. But
as strikes improved conditions, most workers wanted to enjoy the
fruits of their efforts. They stopped attending meetings. According
to the Encyclopedia Judaica, after 1910 their leaders adapted to
the decline in militancy: "The International Ladies Garment
Workers Union [ILGWU] and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers remained
explicitly socialist, but the revolutionary content of their socialism
was relegated to rhetorical flourishes about a vague, ultimate end."
The union tops were pleased with that inactivity. It meant they
could raise their own pay without much opposition. Some used gangsters
to intimidate their members and made sweetheart agreements with
the bosses at the expense of the ranks.
Many unionists resisted. Some became supporters of
the more radical Industrial Workers of the World. After the 1917
Russian revolution, others joined the Communist Party. But the Forverts
stayed loyal to the union hacks and the Socialist Party.
During this period of decay, in 1925, editor Abraham
Cahan visited Palestine and cried at the Wailing Wall. He returned
in 1929. He still wasn't a Zionist, but he began to praise the colonists
in Palestine as idealists.
The Forverts backed the SP candidate for president
in 1932, but the Judaica says that in 1933 Cahan became "the
first member of the SP to hail Franklin Roosevelt for moving in
a socialist direction." This really meant that Cahan was moving
in a capitalist direction, and by 1934 the Forverts and the bureaucrats
split from the SP. They still couldn't swallow New York's Tammany
Hall. So they organized the American Labor Party to provide another
lever to pull for Roosevelt. After the CP captured the ALP, the
bureaucrats set up the Liberal Party. A Feb. 24, 1997 New York Times
editorial called it "A Party for Hire," its ballot slot
for sale to Democrats and Republicans.
A "Transfer Agreement" With Berlin
The labor unions set up the Jewish Labor Committee
to speak against Nazism and this compelled them to return to denouncing
Zionism. Most Jews boycotted German goods but in 1933 the World
Zionist Organization made a "Transfer Agreement" with
Berlin. Hitler allowed German Jews to buy goods which the WZO sold
in Palestine and elsewhere. When the émigrés arrived,
they were repaid for the wares. It was the least painful way of
shipping wealth out of Germany. Forverts manager Baruch Vladeck,
chair of the JLC, saw this as "double book-keeping of the most
flagrant sort. That nobody should break the boycott but the Jews
of Palestine! The Transfer Agreement is a blot on the Jews."
However, the JLC did little to help German Jewry.
There was a high German immigrant quota, but Roosevelt administration
rightists willfully misinterpreted the regulations to create barriers
to full utilization of the allotment by Jews. Had the JLC mobilized,
Roosevelt could not have withstood them. Jews and liberals were
then too important in his party to be refused if they demanded proper
enforcement of the existing rules.
Their inactivity continued in the Holocaust era. The
Forverts did little to press Roosevelt to bomb Auschwitz or organize
rescue efforts on behalf of European Jewry. After the war the impact
of the horror produced a frenzy of nationalism which the Zionists
channelized behind their cause. Whatever caveats it still had regarding
Zionism as an ideology, the Forverts became fanatically pro-Israel.
We know that most Jewish survivors in Eastern Europe wanted to come
to the United States. But they ended up in Israel because the JLC
and other establishment organizations made no serious effort to
force open the American gates. Under the minimal Displaced Persons
Act of 1948, only 63,000 Jews came in over the immigration quotas
for Eastern Europe.
The Office of Strategic Services, the WWII spy agency,
turned to Jewish labor in the U.S. for contacts among European socialists,
and in 1944, Jay Lovestone of the ILGWU set up the AFL's Free Trade
Union Committee. According to the Judaica, during the subsequent
Cold War years, Lovestone "worked closely with the CIA. When
the AFL and the CIO merged, Lovestone continued his activities within
the merged labor movement's Department of International Affairs
[and] vigorously supported military intervention in Vietnam."
His hawkishness did not stop there. Lovestone, his protégé
Irving Brown and Tom Kahn, Brown's successor, became obsessive promoters
of Israel. The AFL-CIO is the world's largest non-Jewish holder
of Israel bonds.
The Forverts began its long decline with the imposition
of immigration quotas. It's a small weekly now, with a geriatric
readership. But younger Jews remember it fondly as the paper of
their grandparents. They don't know that it now rants against many
of them. On Dec. 20 it was one of the first U.S. journals to 'out'
Madeleine Albright: "Why are we dwelling so much on this 'personal'
issue?"it asked rhetorically. "Because 'mixed marriages'
and assimilation are destroying the Jewish future." In reality
Jewry is the most educated stratum in the country, and the children
of those marriages will have fine futures.
Although a Jew, Jay Mazur, is president of the newly
merged Union of Needle-trade, Industrial and Textile Employees,
few descendants of the Yiddish immigrants are blue-collar workers.
Chronological and sociological distance allowed them to believe
the myth that Jewish labor played a progressive role. But aspects
of this epic of degeneration began to emerge again after 1990, when
Seth Lipsky, a Wall Street Journal editor, prevailed on the Forverts
to let him edit an English-language Forward. In 1995 Lipsky brought
in Steinhardt.
The only thing they have in common with the 1897 Forverts
is personal secularism. Lipsky loves ham and cheese on rye. He defines
himself domestically as a "hardheaded liberal." The Forward
deal almost died at birth when the Forverts Association bluntly
asked him, "Where are you on Jabotinsky?" Lipsky idolizes
Vladimir Jabotinsky (1880-1940), the founder of Zionist Revisionism,
Binyamin Netanyahu's ideological movement.
Although Jabotinsky once said that "buffaloes
follow a leader. Civilized men have no leaders," everyone saw
him as a fascist, including Benito Mussolini, who hailed him as
"your fascist, Jabotinsky." In fact, 1930s Revisionism
reeked of fascism. Wolfgang von Weisl, Zionist Revisionism's financial
director, told the truth when he said that "although opinions
among the Revisionists varied, in general they sympathized with
Fascism." But Lipsky told his questioners that he didn't want
to fight about the past, and they let him slip by.
A Memorable Figure
In the Nov. 25, 1996 issue Lipsky reviewed a biography
of Brown: "One of the most memorable figures I encountered
as a foreign correspondent was Irving Brown. [At the] beginning
of the most secret phase of the Cold War funds were channeled through
the Central Intelligence Agency....
Brown's life would be dogged by charges that he was
a CIA agent, but Brown's achievements in retrospect tower over any
controversy."
I once interviewed Tom Kahn. He denied that the AFL-CIO
Department of International Affairs took CIA money. But on May 20,
1967, Tom Braden, an ex-CIA agent, had written a Saturday Evening
Post article justifying personally giving money "from the vaults
of the CIA....to Irving Brown." The AFL-CIO couldn't admit
to taking CIA money because it is subversive of liberty to secretly
take government funds. But Lipsky is so "hardheaded" that
he hails what the AFL-CIO knows is shameful.
For the Forward, the Forvert's disintegration was
its glory and Lipsky reminds us of it. An April 7, 1995 editorial,
"Remembering Vietnam," boasted that "the editors
of the Forward never lost faith in the fact that America was in
the right in the war....The long view will no doubt see Vietnam
as but one of the battles through which the Soviet empire was engaged
and, ultimately, defeated....There is much in all of this to think
about for those of us who spend a lot of time concerned with the
fortunes of another small, embattled American friend, namely Israel."
Outraged letters pointed out that two days later Robert McNamara,
the Vietnam-era secretary of defense, beat his breast for his involvement
in that debacle.
Lipsky is a cosmic knuckles-on-the-ground militarist.
A July 18, 1995 editorial praised the European Jewish Congress for
backing France in resuming nuclear testing. "The same agitators
that are trying to deny France its force de frappe will try to strip
Israel of its nuclear weapons." The paper endorsed Clinton
in 1996 because he "has shown a willingness to use military
power to advance our interests." Albright's appointment pleased
the Forward. "We have been looking forward to an elucidation
of her remark about the appeasement that handed her native Czechoslovakia
to the Nazis. 'My mindset is Munich.'" For Lipsky, "Munich
was the mother of all peace processes." (Jan. 10, 1997)
Steinhardt is an atheist, but he sees fighting assimilation
and defending Zionism as his calling. And when he gets bored with
his pet emu he feeds money to his pet politicians. He funds the
Progressive Policy Institute, a think tank affiliated with Clinton's
Democratic Leadership Council. Such innocent pleasures are under
attack, so Washington editor Ira Stoll acts as his political defense
attorney: "The American political system, with its one-man,
one-vote credo, puts the interests of minority groups at a disadvantage....To
the extent that current laws limit political contributions, they
limit the ability of hardworking minority groups to compensate with
their prosperity for what they lack in numbers....The more money
that flows into our political campaigns, the more vigorous the public
debate." (Nov. 8, 1996)
"In this world," Sancho Panza taught us,
"the follies of the rich pass for wise sayings." The Forward
is a vanity press. The Jan. 10, 1994 New Yorker told how "Lipsky
spins out a ditzy theory of how the English Forward could go from
its current circulation" (then 13,500 nationally, about 23,300
in 1997) "to something five times, even 15 times, as big."
In 1995, the Times reported that "publishing executives say
the paper has lost more than $1 million a year." Steinhardt
might invest $4 million, hoping to turn it into a Jewish-interest
daily. He should stick to emus. New York's Observer says "his
investment has thrust him into one of the most moribund industries
around."
They labor in vain because nothing can convince their
readers that the Vietnam War was noble, or that taking CIA lucre
was virtuous or that the squalid campaign contributions system is
in their interest. And if they publish every day until the sun grows
cold, clocks still won't run backwards. The vast majority of young
American Jews are racing away from Zionism and toward assimilation.
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