Washington Report, June 16, 1986, Page 13
Words to Remember
On The Saudi Arms Sale
Although these statements concern the recently-approved Saudi missile
sale, the sentiments apply to the scheduled summer delivery of five
AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) planes to Saudi Arabia,
for which the Saudi government has already paid some $3 billion.
President Ronald Reagan:
"There is no region in the world where our steadfastness and
leadership are so pivotal as in the Middle East. The consequences
of our refusing this sale would, in my view, send a signal throughout
the Middle East to the serious detriment of our interests there
for many years to come." (May 13, 1986 meeting with Senate
and House Republican leaders)
The Christian Science Monitor:
"Congress should ... put the nation's Middle East interests
ahead of its own concern about elections." (May 9, 1986 Editorial)
John Hughes:
"If Washington does not sell the Saudis the arms, other nations
will." (The Christian Science Monitor May 14, 1986)
George J. Church:
". . . The Saudis, far from being reassured of U.S. support,
are grumbling that the ruckus indicates an indiscriminate anti-Arab
mood in Washington. But it is Congress that is likely to come out
looking worst, because so many of its members are too obviously
being driven by fear of offending the pro-Israel lobby in the U.S."
(Time, June 2, 1986)
Charles H. Percy:
" . . . Without our moderate Arab friends, such as Saudi Arabia,
we lose any real influence in pursuing a peaceful settlement between
Israel and its neighbors. We also lose a partnership that can help
to contain the radical anti-West movements that spill so violently
into our lives. . . " (The Christian Science Monitor, April
30, 1986)
The Washington Post:
" . . . the Saudis ... need to be treated with some respect.
To ask their greater cooperation in regional affairs while inflicting
upon them the humiliation of public rebuff in a matter-security-of
the greatest consequence to them is an insupportable inconsistency.
It is harmful to the American interest, and it shows the United
States is not serious about its foreign policy." (May 23, 1986
Editorial)
National Security Adviser John M. Poindexter:
" . . . Saudi Arabia has long been one ... of the Arab countries
supporting a negotiated, peaceful, political solution .... Saudi
Arabia is a major player in the Middle Eastern arena and a good
friend of the United States. Our interests require that we help
the Saudis meet their legitimate security needs in the face of growing
regional threats." (The Washington Post, May 7, 1986)
Mazher Hameed:
" . . . The United States probably won't pay any real price
until the 1990s. Current energy projections suggest that Gulf oil
won't become critical again for nearly a decade. By that time, however,
there may be little left of the American-Saudi security relationship
that both sides labored for more than 40 years to create."
(The Washington Post, June 1, 1986)
Senator Barry Goldwater (R-AZ):
"We cannot expect our friends in that part of the world or
elsewhere to stand up to a Soviet thrust or radical threats if they
believe that the United States has lost the ability to make credible
commitments. Our foreign policy cannot safely be tied to the volatility
of American politics and the unpredictable shifts of mood among
535 Members of Congress; nor can it be guided by an undue concern
about what some political lobby may think . . . " (Congressional
Record, May 6, 1986)
Senator John Chafee (R-RI):
" . . . To reject the Saudis when they seek our help in defending
not only their own interests, but those of all countries dependent
on Gulf oil, is really to shoot ourselves in the foot." (Congressional
Record May 6, 1986)
Secretary of State George P. Shultz:
"If Iranian influence advances in the region, America's strategic
interests will be harmed .... There are many in the Arab world who
want peace and stability and moderation—and who can be brought
to accept the permanent reality of the State of Israel. But if America
cannot demonstrate that we are a constant, effective, strong and
responsive presence in the Middle East, those with the best of inclinations
inevitably will make their accomodations with those who bear the
worst intentions toward us." (The New York Times, May 16, 1986)
Norman Kempster:
" . . . Despite slumping oil revenues, Saudi Arabia and the
other Persian Gulf oil producers have invested billions of dollars
in the United States, and they could produce havoc in U.S. financial
markets by withdrawing that money." (The Los Angeles Times,
May 19, 1986)
Lou Cannon:
"Senator Lugar said that campaign contributions from supporters
of Israel 'are a substantial factor' in the reluctance of senators
of both parties to consider the administration's arguments. He said
he would not call it 'intimidation,' as a reporter had, but said
that senators regard the supporters of Israel as 'one of those constituencies
that can cause you a problem if they get activated, so you avoid
making an issue (with them) if you can." (The Washington
Post, May 20, 1986)
Doug Bandow:
". . . Where it counts, in policy as opposed to rhetoric,
Saudi Arabia has been basically pro-American. Earlier this year,
for instance, the Saudis took the lead in blocking Libyan proposals
for Arab League retaliation against the U.S. economic embargo ...
Saudi Arabia is a major economic trading partner and an important
political ally in a region where America has few friends."
(The Washington Times, May 15, 1986)
Rowland Evans and Robert Novak:
" . . . the Saudis ... have only one interest: How the battle
will affect the delivery of five AWACS aircraft for which they have
already paid ... cold cash .... If Congress reneges on such an international
commitment, the United States can forget maintaining special political
and economic ties with the kingdom." (The Washington Post,
May 17, 1986)
Joseph C. Harsch:
"Saudi Arabia is America's best customer in Arabia. It buys
from the US much more than it sells to the US. It is a factual military
partner. It has long been America's closest friend and associate
in Arab affairs ... Its main concern is Iran. Saudi Arabia is a
large country with a small population—about 11 million. Iran
is a country of nearly 45 million. The Iranian armed forces outnumber
Saudi forces, massively. Iranian aircraft have entered Saudi airspace.
On one occasion intruders were shot down by Saudi fighter planes
that had been alerted and vectored by the American AWACS."
(The Christian Science Monitor, May 19, 1986)
Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger:
"If we take away the AWACS, we will have a permanent state
of enmity between Israel and the Arabs." (Business Week,
May 26, 1986)
Assistant Secretary of State Richard W. Murphy:
"US interests are best served by continued strong and credible
relations with moderate Arabs .... We face a time of testing whether
the successful policy of 30 years is relevant, or if we will turn
around and pursue a more parochial, narrow and extremist policy."
(Washington Post, May 8, 1986)
The Economist:
"The $6 billion AWACS sale spells money as well as politics.
If the United States were to default on the deal, the administration
would have to find the cash to refund the Saudis and to pay off
Boeing. That would be tough on the taxpayer. Yet, as Mr. Murphy
pointed out, the American economy has already lost $12 billion-20
billion by allowing, for political reasons, the Saudi contract for
new fighter aircraft to go to Britain." (May 2, 1986) |