May/June 1991, Page 48
Special Report
The Taif Agreement: Still On Schedule After
1-1/2Years
By Susan Smith
Supported by the Arab Summit Conference in Casablanca and brokered
in October 1989 by the Higher Arab Committee, composed of the kings
of Saudi Arabia and Morocco and the president of Algeria, the Taif
Agreement was launched with the endorsement of the League of Arab
States and the United Nations. In November 1989 it was ratified
by the Lebanese Chamber of Deputies, and Lebanon's new National
Unity Government adopted the Taif Agreement, now called the Document
of National Accord, as its program of work. Then, the president
and prime minister, in September 1990, promulgated the Second Republic
of Lebanon, and the Taif Agreement became an integral part of the
Lebanese constitution. High among its lists of promises are:
- constitutional reforms;
- extension of the Lebanese government's sovereignty over all
its national territory through its own forces;
- liberation of southern Lebanon and the western Bekaa from Israeli
occupation;
- the gradual phase-out of the Syrians from Lebanon.
Militiamen have left the city but "are still
going to bed with their guns tucked under their pillows."
Now a year and a half old, the Taif Agreement seemingly has brought
an effective end to 16 years of civil war in Lebanon. Dr. Khalil
Makkawi, Lebanon's ambassador to the United Nations, says the Agreement
has allowed the Lebanese "incrementally to put their house
in order. "
President Elias Hrawi has been able to keep up with the Taif Agreement's
timetable, while avoiding the fate of assassination met by two of
his predecessors in the past nine years. In November of last year,
the routing from the Baabda Palace of General Michel Aoun, who had
sought to set up a rival government, proved a watershed. All militias
in the Greater Beirut area got the message that, sooner or later,
they too would be isolated and defeated. All were disbanded or withdrew
from the city.
Obstacles remain, however. At least one of the private am-lies,
Hezbollah, has publicly defied the government's edict to surrender
its weapons to the state of Lebanon, and others may have held back.
In the words of one American Druze who had just returned from the
Chouf, militiamen have left the city but "are still going to
bed with their guns tucked under their pillows."
Despite this and the new economic havoc wreaked on Lebanon by the
Gulf war, the government was able to expand its cabinet last December
to 30 members, including representatives of six of the eight militias.
Exceptions were the Iranian-funded Shi'i Hezbollah and the Maronite
Christian Lebanese Forces. Then, in the last week of March, Lebanese
Forces leader Samir Geagea resigned, nominating in his place Roger
Deeb, who in turn joined. the National Unity Government as minister
of state.
The Government Reaches Out
This broadly-based government has thus reached out to include potential
sources of resistance. At present the Hezbollah remains the only
Lebanese militia refusing to take part. However, Ambassador Makkawi
believes that, with direct elections in the offing, the Hezbollah
will be forced to join the bandwagon or else face exclusion from
a government in which Muslim parties will be contending among themselves
for at least half of the representation.
Meanwhile, some 11,000 Palestinian fighters spread throughout the
country are continuing to use Lebanon as their battlefield, while
Israeli forces support the attacks upon them and other destabilizing
activities carried out by Antoine Lahad's renegade South Lebanon
Army. To counter such external and undermining influences, the Lebanese
government is actively pursuing the liberation of all Lebanese land
according to Taif guidelines.
In January of this year, the army and internal security forces
were deployed to the south and in the west Bekaa, extending Lebanese
sovereignty to some areas adjacent to the so-called "security
zone" occupied by Israel and Lahad's fifth columnists. Then,
in March, the government began moving into a pivotal phase of the
program to disband all militias, by meeting with Syria's Vice President
Abdel Halim Khaddam to discuss the role of the 40,000 Syrian troops
in Lebanon.
The first high-level meeting of its kind in 10 years, it was sanctioned
by a provision of the Taif Agreement which says that "the Syrian
forces shall thankfully assist the forces of the legitimate Lebanese
government to spread the authority of the State of Lebanon within
a set period of no more than two years, beginning with the ratification
of the national accord charter, election of the president of the
republic, formation of the national accord cabinet, and approval
of the political reforms constitutionally."
Along with Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon, the Syrian
military presence in Lebanon remains a major bone of contention
among Lebanese. Meanwhile, the official government relationship
with Syria is viewed as a political arrangement between the two
countries, designed to end Lebanon's civil conflict while setting
the stage for democratization, secularization and Syria's full withdrawal
in the future.
By utilizing Syria's military assistance in the short term, and
by extending the government's sovereignty. over Lebanon in incremental
stages and through its own forces, the Taif Agreement will theoretically
achieve all of its objectives in the long run. If all goes according
to schedule, Syrian troops will redeploy in September 1992 into
the Bekaa area, at which time a joint Lebanese-Syrian military committee
will determine the strength and duration of the Syrian presence
in Lebanon.
At this stage, success in the battle to regain Lebanon's sovereignty
and restore its territorial integrity depends largely on the ability
of the Lebanese to hold onto their faith in the Taif agreement.
Their patience is being tried both by the Syrian presence and the
implementation of reforms which do away with Christian political
hegemony. While many Christians wistfully reminisce about the days
when the mountains of Lebanon had a pervading European or "Phoenician"
air, the Taif Agreement describes Lebanon as "Arab in belonging
and identity."
The key reform increased the size of the Chamber of Deputies (Parliament)
from 99 to 108 members while dividing seats equally between Christians
and Muslims, thereby doing away with the 6:5 status quo established
with the National Pact of 1943. The current "interim period,
" which will serve as a prelude to direct elections, was fully
launched in December, when the seats of the Chamber were divided
proportionately between the denominations of each sect and district.
Direct elections on a national and secular basis are planned for
Lebanon once Parliament passes an election law free from sectarian
restriction. Ambassador Clovis Maksoud, the former representative
of the League of Arab States to the United Nations, believes this
will be done within "a two- to three-year time frame if the
United Nations energizes itself in bringing about the implementation
of Security Council Resolutions 425 and 508. " While law and
order are being restored, however, direct elections will be relegated
to a back burner, as arrangements continue for simultaneous or sequential
withdrawal of Syrian troops from the Bekaa and Israeli troops from
southern Lebanon.
In the meantime, remaining empty seats in the Chamber of Deputies
will be filled by appointment, giving the Deputies the power to
enact laws at a later stage. In the near future, a committee comprising
former presidents (all Maronites), former prime ministers (all Sunnis),
and other Lebanese notables will be set up to study the electoral
law proposed.
Then, once the new non-sectarian electoral law is adopted by Parliament,
a new Parliament will be elected. Makkawi explains that the goal
is to create the equivalent of the Senate and House of Representatives
in the US Congress. Although the majority of deputies elected could
belong to one religious community or another, they would be balanced
by the formation of a political body similar to the Senate, in which
all religious bodies would be equally represented.
A Dramatic Shift
Given Lebanon's large Muslim population, national and non-sectarian
parliamentary elections could bring about a dramatic shift in the
country's traditional balance of power, with the election of a Muslim
president a distinct possibility. Ambassador Maksoud, a Lebanese
Christian, says that if a majority leads to the election of a non-Maronite
president, many Christians, including himself, "won't mind
at all." In any case, he believes a reunified Lebanon would
elect a Maronite president in the foreseeable future, despite a
Shi'i majority. "There is a basic and profound understanding
and sense of recognition for a Lebanon with a substantial Christian
presence, which has meaning not only from the Lebanese themselves
but for the Arabs and Muslim world, " he explains.
According to Makkawi, the election of a Muslim president depends
on the formation of a coalition between the Shi'i and Sunni populations.
Alone, he says, neither has the potential to command a majority
vote, and, to regain its place in the Arab world, the Second Lebanese
Republic must be built upon compromise.
Former Lebanese Ambassador to the United Nations Ghassan Tueni
also endorses direct elections for Lebanon. In a letter to The
Washington Post in March, he wrote, "Free elections in
Lebanon are feasible, necessary and the beginning of any democratic
solution that will enhance peace and stability in both Lebanon and
the region."
The Role of Syria
Still, the role of Syria in implementing it casts a cloud over
the Taif Agreement for many Lebanese. Oneshopkeeper who reluctantly
fled Beirut to rebuild his life on Brooklyn's Atlantic Avenue laments
that "Beirut may be reunited, but at the expense of Hafez Al-Assad
eating the rest of Lebanon. " Lebanese officials, however,
are the first to disagree. They cite Syria's demonstrated commitment
to implementing the Agreement on schedule. Such accusations, they
say, are a pretext to undo the Agreement that offers Lebanon's best,
and perhaps only, hope of emerging from its 16-year ordeal as one
united country.
The Lebanese government position is that Syrian involvement in
Lebanese internal affairs has two distinct phases. In the current
first phase, Syrian troops provide Lebanese army and internal security
forces needed
leverage to restore Lebanese sovereignty and national integrity.
Then, as spelled out in the Agreement, Syrian forces will serve
a defensive, strategic function in Lebanon until September 1992,
at which time they will redeploy to the Bekaa. Once Israeli forces
withdraw from Lebanese territory in compliance with UN Security
Council Resolution 425, Syrian forces also will withdraw.
The success of the Taif Agreement then, depends greatly on the
Security Council's sincerity and tenacity in getting Israeli troops
out of the country, a step which would place the ball squarely in
the Syrian court. According to the Lebanese ambassador, the Security
Council has demonstrated its clout in liberating Kuwait, and must
rise to meet the demands of the new world order by applying the
same yardstick of international justice in Lebanon.
If this optimistic scenario continues on schedule, the world will
have to find a new adjective to describe the problem both the Soviet
Union and Iraq face at present. The term "Lebanonization"
may well drop from the political glossary. In fact, as the Lebanese
look beyond their borders to the destruction and havoc wreaked on
the once-thriving oil producing regions of the Gulf, they have a
grim reminder that, in an age of long-range missiles and smart bombs,
myopic politics and vain leaders may be a luxury they no longer
can afford.
Susan Smith is a free-lance journalist based in New York City.
She has studied at the University of London and Tel Aviv University
and holds a master's diploma from the American University in Cairo.
SIDEBAR
Composition of the Lebanese Government (formed in
December 1990)
Omar Karame
President of the Council of Ministers
Religion: Sunni
Party: Independent
Michel Al-Murr
Vice President of the Council of Ministers and National Defense
Minister
Religion: Greek Orthodox
Party: Independent
Nazih Blzri
Minister of State
Religion: Shi'i
Party: Independent
Khatchik Babiklan
Minister of Justice
Religion: Armenian Christian
Party: Tashnak
Jamil Kebbe
Minister of Health and Social Affairs
Religion: Sunni
Party: Independent
Michel Sassine
Minister of Works
Religion: Greek Orthodox
Party: National Liberal Party
Georges Saade
Minister of Telecommunications
Religion: Maronite
Party: Phalange
Ali Al-Khalil
Minister of Finance
Religion: Shi'i
Party: Independent
Boutros Harb
Minister of National Education and Fine Arts
Religion: Maronite
Party: Independent
Mohamad Youssef Beydoun
Minister of Hydraulic and Electric Resources
Religion: Shii
Party: Independent
Marwan Hamade
Minister of Economics and Commerce
Religion: Druze
Party: Independent
Nabih Berri
Minister of State
Religion: Shi'i
Party: Amal
Walid Jumblatt
Minister of State
Religion: Druze
Party: Progressive Socialist Party (PSP)
Albert Mansour
Minister of Information
Religion: Greek Catholic
Party: Independent
Mohsen Dalloul
Minister of Agriculture
Religion: Shi'i
Party: Independent
Zaher Khatib
Minister of State for Administrative Reform
Religion: Sunni
Party: Independent
Nadirn Salem
Minister of Public Works and Transportation
Religion: Greek Catholic
Party: Independent
Mohamad Jaroudi
Minister of Industry and Petroleum
Religion: Sunni
Party: Independent
Gen. d'Etat Mal. Sami Khatib
Minister of the Interior
Religion: Sunni
Party: Independent
Chawki Fakhourl
Minister of State for Ground, Sea and Air Transportation
Religion: Greek Orthodox
Party: Independent
Nicholas Al-Khoury
Minister of State
Religion: Greek Orthodox
Party: Independent
Agop Jokhaderian
Minister of State for Environmental Affairs
Religion: Armenian Christian
Party: Independent
Abdallah Al-Amin
Minister of State
Religion: Shi'i
Party: Ba'ath (pro-Syrian)
Assaad Harclan
Minister of State
Religion: Maronite
Party: Syrian Social Nationalist Party
Mohamad Beydoun
Minister of Housing
Religion: Shi'i
Party: Amal
Fares Bouelz
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Religion: Maronite
Party: Independent
Roger Deeb
Minister of State
Religion: Maronite
Party: Lebanese Forces
Elie Hobeika
Minister of State
Religion: Maronite
Party: Al-Waad (Reformed Lebanese Forces)
Suleiman Tony Frangleh
Minister of State
Religion: Maronite
Party: Marada (local Maronite party in north)
Emir Talal Arslan
Minister of Tourism
Religion: Druze
Party: Independent |