May 1990, Page 9
Special Report
Who Suffers When Criticism of Israel Is Equated
With Anti-Semitism?
By Richard H. Curtiss
"The willingness to condemn the Jewish state for things others
are not condemned for-this is not a higher standard. It is a discriminatory
standard. And discrimination against Jews has a name too. The word
for it is anti-Semitism."
—Charles Krauthammer, Time, Feb. 26 1990.
"Healing has come slowly to Jewish students at the American
University, where vandals scrawled anti-Semitic slurs on a main
gate and a dormitory wall last week," the two-column report
in a recent issue of the Washington Jewish Week begins. "Although
the offensive graffiti were removed within hours of their discovery
last Thursday morning and the university moved swiftly to condemn
the act, students continued Tuesday to seek outlets to vent their
shock and anger."
The story quotes at some length such expressions by Jewish students,
who make up about 30 percent of the Washington, DC university's
student body, and denunciations of "bigotry" by the director
of the B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamation League's local office and the
president of the university.
Only one sentence describes the outrage itself: "Among the
spray-painted graffiti were a slur on 'Israel Zionists' and a pictogram
equating a Jewish star with a swastika." A photo shows only
a Star of David, an equal sign and a swastika on an otherwise blank
wall.
The American University has large numbers of Arab students and,
as on campuses across the nation, dozens of male and female American
students routinely wear the checkered black and white Palestinian
kuffiya as a scarf or headdress. Without the Washington Jewish
Week's guidance, therefore, and bearing in mind the fact that
the Star of David is emblazoned on Israel's flag, military and civilian
aircraft, and as an ideogram on many items made in or associated
with Israel, passersby could be forgiven for interpreting the three-character
"pictogram" as a statement in algebraic form that "Israel
is Fascist" or "Israelis are Nazis."
Yet the attack was described in the national capital's authoritative
Jewish publication not as "anti-Israel" but "anti-Semitic."
To state the obvious, if the vandals had intended an attack on Judaism,
American Jews or Jews in general, they would very likely have made
this clear by drawing a menorah. They certainly would not have referred
to them as "Israeli Zionists."
A great many American Jews criticize the policies of Israeli extremists
like Ariel Sharon and Yitzhak Shamir, particularly since the latter's
stubborn refusal to accede to US requests to implement his own West
Bank elections plan. Such American Jews would be deeply offended
if leaders of mainstream US Jewish organizations informed them that
their criticisms of Israel make them "anti- Semitic."
Yet, they unprotestingly allow mainstream Jewish leaders and journalists
to apply that term indiscriminately to non-Jewish critics of the
same Israeli leaders and policies.
They also tolerate semantic tricks such as that in the quotation
at the top of this column by Charles Krauthammer, a national board
member of Americans for a Safe Israel, an advocacy organization
associated with rightwing Israeli leaders. Syndicated columnists
Krauthammer, William Safire, and A.M. Rosenthal seem to have joined
other aggressive American apologists for Israeli intransigence in
equating all criticism of Israel with callous anti-Semitism.
How extremely destructive this is to the long-term credibility
of both Israel and American Jews is illustrated by a mid-March poll
conducted by the Wall Street Journal and NBC television.
Sixty-three percent of the Americans polled, and more than half
of American Jews, agreed with Senator Bob Dole's proposal to shave
aid to Israel and the four other leading foreign aid recipients
so that the US can help friendly regimes in Central America and
in Eastern Europe. From answers to other questions the Journal
concluded "that the public considers even West Germany
or Japan to be more of a friend to the US than Israel is."
Do American Jews really want the leaders who speak in their names
to equate the criticisms of Israel by a growing American majority
with -anti-Semitism? Depicting criticism of current Israeli stonewalling
of the peace process as anti-Semitism will have virtually no effect
in stifling such criticism. It may, however, eventually take the
sting out of a charge used so loosely, and unfairly.
Exploiting Genocide
Equating criticism of specific Israeli actions with anti-Semitism
will seem to many Americans to be a repetition of what is increasingly
perceived as cynical media exploitation of the horrors of the Nazi
Holocaust. When, month in and month out, new films based on the
tragic Nazi German genocide against Europe's Jews are shown on US
television, it begins to seem that the aim is not so much to prevent
such horrors from happening again, but to ensure that, 45 years
after the Holocaust, Israel continues to receive special treatment
when the US allocates its dwindling world-wide foreign aid.
Syndicated columnist Richard Cohen, a sincere but sometimes critical
supporter of Israel, capsulizes that feeling with a suggestion that
few non-Jewish writers would dare to advance: "I come now to
the Holocaust Museum currently being erected on the Mall. I have
always doubted its appropriateness. The Holocaust, to which most
of the museum would be dedicated, was not an American experience.
The United States was peripheral to the event ... I would like a
Holocaust museum in every one of the world's cities. I would like
that because the Holocaust was a universal experience- something
that people did to people. But if there is to be one major museum,
if $147 million is to be spent somewhere, then it ought to be where
the Holocaust originated: Germany.. The Holocaust Museum will be
in Washington because American Jews want it here. As such, it will
be a 'Jewish museum'—extraneous to the broad American experience,
but not to the German or European one. The museum belongs at the
site of the crime—a gift from America, particularly American
Jews, to the German nation."
Indigenous Racism
White Americans have sins of their own to repent, including the
treatment by their ancestors both of the aboriginal inhabitants
of their own land and of the Black slaves who were brought from
Africa to labor in that land. Few would disagree with the appropriateness
of memorials in Washington, DC to the achievements and tragedies
of American Indian and American Black victims of indigenous racism.
But as American visitors experience the Holocaust museum, they may
share Cohen's doubts as to the motive and appropriateness of situating
it in Washington instead of Europe. What is accomplished by the
insistence of organized American Jewry not just in commemorating
the unique horrors of the Holocaust, but in treating every individual
criticism of Israel as an attack upon Jews in America? Are American
Jews in real danger?
In fact there is far more concern within Jewish communities across
the United States today at the chronically low birthrates to Jewish
couples, and the fact that 30 to 40 percent of US Jews outside major
American Jewish centers marry non-Jews. As Professor Daniel J. Lasker
of Ben Gurion University in the Negev put it:
"In America today Jewish life is threatened neither by slavery
nor by persecution nor by anti-Semitism. Jewish life is threatened
by the danger that assimilation will weaken the Jewish community
to the point that it will lose its vibrancy and vitality."
Nevertheless, some politicians are having a field day with the
anti-Semitism issue. Senator Paul Simon, who has received almost
half a million dollars from pro-Israel political action committees
in the past eight years, has introduced into the Senate the Hate
Crimes Assistance Act. It instructs the FBI to begin an annual accounting
of acts ranging from the type of vandalism that occurred at American
University to arson, assaults and murders that seem to be motivated
by hatred for a person's race, religion or sexual preference.
"There's a growing poison in the land, a growing hatred,"
Simon maintains. "You can't treat the problem if you don't
know where it is."
What is the immediate effect of cries of "anti-Semitism,"
and the extraordinary attention paid by Jewish students to the speakers
brought to campuses by Black students?
At American University, scene of the graffiti incident, "relations
between Arabs and Jews are definitely very, very tense," according
to David Fain, a sophomore quoted by Washington Jewish Week.
"Getting together any type of meeting or panel discussion
is often very difficult. And relations between Jews and Blacks are
also very tense—much, much more than they should be ... There
are 127 countries represented here at American, and we need to try
and create here a community of peace."
Nat Hentoff, a long-time crusader for civil liberties, advises
Jewish students to lower the confrontational rhetoric when AfricanAmerican
student groups bring speakers such as Louis Farrakhan and Kwame
Toure (Stokely Carmichael) to campus, even if the event is paid
for from student body funds.
"Censoring speakers gives their supporters another issue that
can be used to becloud the real issue of anti-Semitism. When Jewish
students are accused of being against free speech, they're put on
the defensive—for a long time to come—on that campus."
It's good advice. Better advice, however, would be to make clearer
and fairer distinctions between "anti-Semitism," "anti-Zionism,"
and simple criticism of Israel.
Although Farrakhan is generally careful to confine his criticisms
to Israel and Zionism, he has a genius for inserting into his rhetoric
just enough ambiguous phrases to keep him in the national headlines.
When Jewish critics complained about Farrakhan's alleged reference
to Judaism as a "gutter religion," they put Farrakhan
on front pages around the nation. His explanation that he had meant
the exact opposite—that Israeli soldiers couldn't possibly
justify their actions against the Palestinians on religious grounds
unless theirs was a "dirty religion"—delighted his
followers, infuriated his Jewish critics and kept his name in the
headlines and his speeches packed.
The Smear of Anti-Semitism
Jesse Jackson, on the other hand, is the target of a smear campaign
that all American Blacks, and most whites, recognize as unfair.
His "Hymietown" remark was made in private and at the
height of a campaign in which he was being harassed at every appearance
by noisy, organized Jewish hecklers.
In fact he is being smeared because he traveled to the Middle East
to meet Yasser Arafat. There Jackson embraced not only the Palestinian
leader, but the two-state solution to provide Israel with security
and the Palestinians with self-determination. Some American Jews,
more than half of whom now also support the two state solution,
apparently cannot forgive him for being the first to be right. In
routinely referring to him as "anti-Semitic," they are
repeating slurs every bit as serious as his own one-time slur six
years ago against New York's Jews.
Some politicians are having a field day with the
anti-Semitism issue.
Current attacks against Representative Gus Savage (D-IL), an easy
target, may prove to be equally unfair. He is a congressman from
a 70-percent-Black constituency in Chicago, where Black and white
neighborhoods are as polarized as anywhere in the United States.
He has been critical of Israel. A widower, he hit the headlines
a year ago with allegations that he tried to force his attentions
upon a Black Peace Corps volunteer assigned to his embassy escort
during his official visit to Zaire. He in turn accused his accusers,
and the newspapers that carried those accusations, of racism.
In March, journalists reported he had made anti-Semitic remarks
at a Chicago election rally. They demanded that he be repudiated
by Representative William H. Gray III (D-PA), who has presidential
ambitions, and Representative Charles B. Rangel (D-NY), from heavily
Jewish New York City, both of whom had attended the rally but were
not present when the alleged remarks were made.
In his own defense, Savage invited the press to view a videotape
of his entire speech. The charge of "anti-Semitism" apparently
was based upon two videotaped statements One was that his opponent,
also Black, had received more than 90 percent of his campaign donations
from "pro-Israel, Jewish organizations," a tabulation
Rep. Savage offered to prove. The other statement was that this
outside intervention into his congressional district was orchestrated
by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) which he
said was guilty of "un-American" and "illegal"
actions.
Coordinating PAC donations is illegal, and AIPAC has been charged
with doing just that in a formal complaint pending with the Federal
Election Commission signed by the writer of this article, among
others. Therefore, if Savage has done his arithmetic correctly,
the allegations of "anti-Semitism" in his statement must
refer to his reference to pro-Israel Jewish PACs, and to
AIPAC, an organization of US citizens which exists to lobby on behalf
of Israel, as "un-American." It's a judgment call on which
Savage's media accusers and home district supporters will, almost
certainly, disagree.
Anti-Semitism Does Exist
Although observers agree that anti-Semitism does not pose any real
threat to Jews in post World War II America, it would be absurd
to maintain that it does not exist and could never increase.
"Most research in this country indicates a level of hard-core
anti-Semitism equal to about five percent of the (American) population,"
according to Dr. Raymond Duch of the University of Houston, who
has just completed a survey of anti-Jewish feelings in the Soviet
Union partly funded by the American Jewish Committee.
Those US figures, high as they seem, hardly justify the degree
of alarm evidenced in this excerpt from a weekly column from Israel
by Emanuel Rackman on the "Cancer of Anti-Semitism" in
The Jewish Week (Queens, NY) of March 9:
"I find it difficult to believe that a presumably august body
such as the European Parliament would be so vicious as to impose
sanctions on Israel in the cultural and scientific spheres ... We
are back to 'square one' not only in the United States but all over
the world. Sixty years after 1930, we are back to 1930 with perhaps
more nations afflicted with the cancer than ever before. What a
horrible disappointment for those of us who had hoped that our involvement
in World War II would end all of this and the rise of the state
of Israel would shrink the cancer rather than aggravate it ...
"We are to be a blessing to all the nations of the earth.
But how does one continue to do this in the face of the almost congenital
hatred and mistrust that we suffer?"
Rackman clearly equates any criticism of Israel with "almost
congenital" anti-Semitism. His is the same pessimistic philosophy
that, a century ago, gave rise to the Zionist dream of creating
a Jewish state as a refuge from inevitable persecution for Jews
from all over the world.
That state's major problem at present, however, is its unwillingness
to accept the fact that the Jewish refugees aren't coming, and that
the lands it is holding for them in the West Bank, Gaza, and Golan
Heights could be put to far better use by giving them back to their
Arab occupants in exchange for a permanent peace.
Postponing the inevitable
It is highly unlikely that many of the hapless Russian Jews presently
arriving in Israel, only because the US will no longer receive them,
will stay in the Jewish state for long. Even if all of them did
stay, however, they would only postpone by 5 or 10 years the moment,
early in the next century, when Arabs outnumber Jews in Israel and
the occupied territories. This in itself is sufficient reason for
American Jews to abandon their silence and insist that Israel withdraw
from the occupied territories.
A recent survey by Steven M. Cohen of the City University of New
York reveals that although leaders of American Jewish organizations
generally give unquestioning support to the policies of any elected
government of Israel, these leaders themselves favor by 3 to 1 Israeli
talks with moderate PLO leaders and a land-for-peace settlement.
They would be doing Israel and themselves a favor by expressing
these views publicly, and supporting the present Bush administration
initiative for a land-for-peace settlement providing security to
the Israelis and self determination to the Palestinians.
An excellent start would be for American Jews to begin listening
and reacting thoughtfully to the political dialogue at home. Branding
informed and honest criticism of Israeli policies as "anti-Semitism"
is a disservice to political discourse in America, to mode rate
leaders in Israel, and, most of all, to the credibility of American
Jews themselves, both in the US and in Israel.
Richard H. Curtiss, a retired foreign service information officer,
is chief editor of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. |