May 1990, Page 8
Special Report
Currents of Political Liberalization Flowing
in Arab World, Too
By Michael Collins Dunn
Some commentators have argued that the democratic changes sweeping
Eastern Europe and making themselves felt from Mongolia to Nicaragua
have not been felt in the Arab world. No Berlin Walls have fallen,
no Ceausescus have been shot by firing squad, but from the Atlantic
to the Gulf there are signs of new political openness, multipartyism,
a freer press and demands for more. There is definitely a wave of
change building in the Arab world.
Single Party Strength
Historically, even those Arab countries which had formal multiparty
systems have tended to be dominated by a single party, with the
smaller parties essentially limited to providing constructive criticism.
This was true of Egypt before the 1952 revolution and again of Egypt
since the restoration of a multiparty system in the 1970s. Although
the ruling party wins elections comfortably, the opposition is vocal,
and its press surprisingly free and sometimes outrageous. It can
even bring down a government official, as when al-Sha'b published
tapes of Interior Minister Zaki Badr threatening to arrest a wide
range of Egyptian leaders.
In Tunisia, a similar situation has prevailed. Although since Habib
Bourguiba's departure in 1987 there has been a great liberalization
of the political system, in the 1988 elections the ruling party
won all the seats. Recently it has offered some concessions, changing
the electoral system to encourage opposition victories in local
elections. The opposition, however, wants new national parliamentary
elections. And the single most powerful opposition force, the Islamic
Nahda movement, is still barred from formal party activities.
In Morocco, there has been a long tradition of party life and party
newspapers, but the parties have always been basically supportive
of the monarchy and have little real power. There have been efforts
to shift the balance a bit, however, and give more genuine power
to the mulitparty parliament.
Algeria has been the real surprise in North Africa. Until 1988,
the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN) saw itself as a genuine
revolutionary party which claimed to represent all elements of society.
That claim was shattered in October 1988 by attacks on party offices
and violent riots throughout the country. Since then, dozens of
political parties have come into existence. Many of them represent
small factions but others, such as the only currently fully legal
Islamic party in the Arab world, have a great deal of support. The
press has also become vigorous and pluralist.
Multiparty Traditions
Sudan, with a history of vigorous multiparty competition is one
Arab country where the tide has been flowing the other way. Last
year a civilian, multiparty government in Sudan was overthrown by
the military. But the new military rulers seem uncertain and insecure.
Another country with a tradition of democratic multipartyism is
Lebanon, though its "parties" have always been communal,
religious, or even family/feudal in their orientation. Despite the
incredible impediments created by the civil war and the factions
within society, parliament managed to meet twice last year and constitutionally
elect two presidents, Rene Muawwad and, after his assassination,
Elias Hrawi.
In Jordan, where parties had been banned for more than 20 years,
withdrawal of Jordan's claim to the West Bank made it feasible to
hold new parliamentary elections. The Parliament elected last year
includes abroad mix of nationalists, leftists and Islamic revivalists.
The strong showing by the Muslim Brotherhood captured international
media attention, but in Jordan the Brotherhood has long supported
the monarchy. The government is now moving to allow the restoration
of political parties, which are already functioning in all but name.
Iraq is seeking to open up the National Assembly to greater pluralism.
The new constitution, due to see the light of day later this year,
is expected to call for a multiparty system and a free press, though
what restrictions there may be on these, and on who can participate
in political life, remains to be seen.
Saudi Arabia and the other states of the Gulf have long observed
the tradition of the majlis, in which a ruler meets regularly
with any of his subjects who wish to bring complaints to him, and
to the tribal tradition of shura, or group consultation, which results
in government by consensus rather than by individual fiat. The Arab
states of the Gulf contend, therefore, that they have successfully
functioning democratic systems, far better adapted to Arab and Islamic
traditions than Western parliamentary formulas.
Kuwait, however, also has a tradition of parliamentarianism dating
back to the 1920s. In recent years, ironically, the history of Kuwaiti
parliaments has been regularly punctuated by their dissolution,
when an Amir tired of endless debates or harsh criticisms.
Freedom of expression has been growing apace.
Last December, with the events in Eastern Europe drawing so much
attention, a number of former Kuwaiti parliamentarians and local
leaders began holding political discussions at their own homes.
Kuwaiti authorities soon found that crackdowns merely spurred more
protests. In March, the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, Sheikh
Sa'ad al-'Abdullah, indicated that he had concluded that Kuwaitis
wanted a return to an elected parliament this year. At this writing
the ruling family is still discussing new "regulations and
criteria," but the return of some sort of parliament in Kuwait
now seems nearly certain.
Elsewhere in the Arabian Peninsula, both Yemens are seeking political
liberalization and unification. North Yemen held elections in 1988
for an Assembly which, while parties per se were banned, saw the
emergence of interest groups representing Islamic, Arab nationalist
and other movements. Marxist South Yemen has committed itself to
a shift to a multipartty system. Skeptics may say that it is simply
reacting to cutbacks in Soviet aid, but it is also opening up its
economy to foreign investment and seems to be embarking on a real
period of change.
Changes in the Arab world have not been as dramatic as those in
Eastern Europe, because few of the existing regimes are totalitarian
or so oppressive that change seemed impossible. But single-party
systems are giving way to multi-party systems and the press is proving
more vigorous throughout much of the region. Democratic expression
creates the necessary climate for a change to democratic institutions,
and freedom of expression has been growing apace. Those who say
that the waves of democracy have not reached the Middle East have
not been paying attention.
Michael Collins Dunn, Ph.D. is senior analyst with The International
Estimate, Inc., a Washington consultancy, and Middle East editor
of its biweekly newsletter, The Estimate. |