Washington Report, May 19, 1986, Page 2
Editorial
AIPAC's Faustian Dilemma
All in the service of a failed dream are myths planted and nurtured
to fruition. Lies in reality, myth is the polite euphemism favored
by journalism in America to describe the verbal—and worse—assassination
job done on the Palestinians by the Israel Lobby. All done to realize
an imagined paradisiacal Israel, flowing with milk and honey, free
of enemies and full of righteousness.
Myth Number One said the Palestinians didn't exist. Palestine was
an empty land. Thus no harm could come to existing inhabitants if
Jews came in to settle. "The people without a land (the Jews)
for the land without a people" went the old slogan. So compelling
is the Israel Lobby's compulsion not to acknowledge the guilt-laden
plain truth—that Palestine was already fully settled by Palestinians—that
variations on the "Palestine was empty" theme continue
to appear.
Variations concede that while Palestinians did exist, they were
few in number. In the face of dozens of Israeli accounts that the
Palestinians were terrorized into fleeing their homes, the Lobby
continues to assert fanatically that they left only because of the
most vile anti-Jewish motives. These were that their leaders said:
Get out of the way while we push the Jews into the sea, and then
come back.
The Jews didn't force the Palestinians out, it is claimed. Rather
they left of their own accord while Jews forced out of Arab countries
came in to replace them, a simple exchange of populations, sanctioned
by many such exchanges in history.
A recent improbable new variation, actually a superficially clever
hoax, says the Palestinian refugees were only recent arrivals in
Palestine from Syria and Egypt—against mountains of evidence
to the contrary—come in to batten on the prosperity brought
in by Jewish settlers. The real facts are ignored that the settlers
didn't employ Arab labor, and besides were always broke until the
Israel Lobby stole the key to the U.S. Treasury. Not the truth but
guilt-easing hoax was seized on by the "Israel Firsters"
in the U.S. who still love the unsullied image of a golden Israel.
The second basic myth—and this also has variations—is
that the Palestinians are not quite human. They are terrorists,
violent by nature, like Shakespeare's lago driven by "motiveless
malignity." In an America deemed to be wonderfully creative,
the Lobby has created and sustained an expression it ought to be
ashamed of, assuming there is any sense of history and decency left.
That is the racist "Palestinian terrorist," the latter
day equivalent of the old "dirty Jew."
The Israel Lobby could study with profit the legend of Faust, essentially
a true reflection of human yearning after the unachievable. Faust
sought power, bargained with the Devil to get it and gave away his
soul to seal the bargain. He discovered that all he'd really received
was a handful of magical tricks.
Some among the Lobby have, like Faust, gone all the way. In pursuit
of the failed dream they have become "Israel Firsters,"
Americans who enjoy U.S. life and American citizenship but who give
their real loyalty to the State of Israel. Having spiritually forsaken
America, they have gained an Israel in which they would be miserable
and which doesn't want them anyway. These can only fall back on
murky rhetoric about the "centrality" of Israel in Jewish
life.
The part of the Lobby still this side of the abyss must at least
dimly perceive by now its role in promoting extremism in Israel.
Ultras like Menachem Begin, Ariel Sharon and the rapidly rising
Rabbi Meir Kahane could not have brutalized Israel's neighbors and
so paralyzed Israeli society without unquestioning Lobby support
for any regime in Israel, no matter how crazy that regime's shenanigans.
The Lobby relentlessly exploits other Americans by buying up politicians
with millions in camouflaged Political Action Committee money. This
gets Israel $4 billion in U.S. taxpayer gifts per year. Still Israel
is bankrupt, living on charity. The Lobby also shamelessly exploits
U.S. Jews by employing the wildest hyberbole about such high-minded
politicians as former Senator Charles Percy and former Congressman
Paul Findley, both depicted as dangerous enemies of Israel. The
AWACS, flying radar system sold to Saudi Arabia was described to
potential Jewish campaign contributors as "the deadly AWACS
fighter." Non-Jewish Americans are painted as dangerous potential
or actual enemies of Israel, and of Jews generally, in modern variations
of the old "Cossacks are coming" scare tactic.
If U.S. Middle East policy continues on its present suicidal course,
the American people will one day turn against the Lobby. It will
happen as Americans continue to die in large numbers fighting Israel's
wars against the Arabs. In the long run Israel cannot prevail in
unending war against the Arabs, no matter what the level of U.S.
support. According to a recent estimate the Arabs could number one
billion within 40 years.
Jews who want to flee an angry America will find themselves unwelcome
in an extremist and increasingly rigidly Orthodox Israel. European
Jews, who constitute the bulk of American Jewry, may not be welcome
in an Israel overwhelmingly Oriental. More than that, they will
hardly even be regarded as Jews. In an America where 40 percent
of Jews are now marrying Christians, who's a Jew and who isn't becomes
a tricky business.
What makes it hardest to sustain charitable thoughts about the
Lobby at this stage is its continued harping on the Us and Them
theme. This is done in an accusing sense. We, 17 million Americans,
went into uniform to help defeat the Axis, especially the Nazi scourge.
But we are told that the United States should have gone in earlier
and done more. The implication is that anti-Jewish feeling was the
explanation for U.S. tardiness in coming to the assistance of Britain.
Waters are muddied by charges that the United States should have
bombed the rail line to the Auschwitz-Birkenau death camp. These
accusing complaints overlook the fact that American Zionists, like
Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, as late as 1943 were of two minds on the
wisdom of a special American campaign to rescue European Jewry.
They also ignore the comment by General "Hap" Arnold,
head of the World War II U.S. Army Air Corps, who stated while he
was still alive that no proposal to bomb the Auschwitz line ever
came to his attention.
The Lobby has been very lucky in harnessing U.S. power to Israeli
policy. If it pushes luck too far, however, it may create a State
of Israel where no U.S. Jew could bear to go.
—Andrew I. Killgore
May 19, 1986, Page 3
A Particular Point of View
A funny thing happened to us on the way to the printer with this
issue. We had asked Richard B. Straus, editor of Middle East Policy
Survey, for permission to reprint an article of his which the Washington
Post had published under the headline "Israel's New Super-Lobby
in Washington: Reagan and Co." Author Straus granted permission,
but Editor Elsie Carper of the Washington Post did not. It was the
second time in the Washington Report's four-year existence that
an editor has declined to give or sell us reprint rights. We looked
back into our files and found the other denial was for an article
entitled "Pro-Israel PACs Giving More to GOP." It also
was from the Washington Post. The letter denying permission was
signed by Elsie Carper, who informed us that "it is Post policy
not to permit the reprinting of news articles in publication (sic)
that would tend to give an impression that the Washington Post was
endorsing a particular point of view."
One point Straus, a former AIPAC staffer whose work we have published
previously, seems to be trying to make in the thoughtful analysis
which we are not permitted to reprint, is that since American lobbyists
for Israel are now getting everything they ask for, and far more
than they formerly could expect, perhaps it's too rich a diet for
Israel's long-term good health. It very likely will isolate Israel,
and the U.S., in an increasingly hostile Middle East.
Whether or not that's a fair statement of Richard B. Straus' point
of view, it certainly is an accurate statement of ours. We're sorry
Ms. Carper is afraid of giving an impression that the Washington
Post endorses it.
American friends of Israel seem undecided about the new Israeli-U.S.
relationship. Executive Director Tom Dine of the American Israel
Public Affairs Committee calls it "a deep, broad-based partnership
progressing day by day toward a full-fledged diplomatic and military
alliance." Shultz, he says, is "the architect of the special
relationship."
Noting that in addition to Israel's regular $2.2 billion handout
from the U.S. Government, Shultz got an additional $1.5 billion
in "emergency" U.S. aid for Israeli last year, Dine says
"George Shultz has made himself the U.S. project manager for
Israel's economy."
Richard B. Straus, editor of Middle East Policy Survey and
a former AIPAC staffer himself, has analyzed the new ascendency
of his former AIPAC colleagues in the April 28 Washington Post:
"Israel and AIPAC ... pushed hard through the 1970s for more
American aid, weapons and diplomatic support for Israel ... Then
one day, sometime in the mid-1980s, Israel and AIPAC realized that
there had been a change. They were pushing against a door that was
already open ... The implications of this revolution in U.S.-Israeli
relations are, at this point, difficult to assess. Will it enhance
Israeli security over the long run? Will it encourage Arab moderation
and recognition of Israel? Or will it instead inflame radical sentiment
in the Middle East?"
The fact that Straus raises these questions indicates that he,
like anyone who really knows the Middle East, already is pretty
certain of the answers.
But Shultz apparently isn't. In fact, Straus points out, Shultz
defies the conventional wisdom: "Shultz became the first senior
administration official while in office to shift away from the Arabs
and towards Israel and not the other way around."
And so, in Washington today, paid espionage against the United
States by Israel, as the Jonathan Jay Pollard case reveals, is treated
as a minor inconvenience. The same ho hum applies to the planned
secret sale by Israelis of $2.5 billion dollars worth of weapons
to Iran, the real fount of terrorism against the United States
during recent years.
Even in the San Francisco trial of Jerry Whitworth, accused of
turning over daily Navy code books to John Walker for transmission
to the Soviet Union, the defense tried desperately to build its
case around the possibility that Whitworth thought he was
spying for Israel rather than the Soviet Union. His attorneys had
apparently concluded that those caught betraying the U.S. on behalf
of Israel are punished lightly, if at all.
All of this is creating a tragedy of epic proportions. It is radicalizing
the Middle East, where before Reagan came to power we still had
a lot of sincere friends. It may turn the Muslim fifth of the world's
population against America. It almost certainly will continue to
loosen, perhaps irretrievably, ties between the U.S. and some or
all of our NATO partners. It may convince new leaders of the Soviet
Union that the superpower with which they were preparing to negotiate
serious arms reductions is run by an amiable eccentric, who generally
follows the instincts of his youth and the advice of whomever he
spoke to last.
Since that seems to be the way Americans also perceive their President,
it means that when things go sour overseas they will likely blame
the Secretary of State, not his boss. If it's an open secret that
Israel's American friends tell Mr. Shultz what to do and when, they
may also be held accountable when things go wrong. And from the
kinds of questions Mr. Strauss is asking, it's clear that some of
them know that putting heavy pressure on the Arabs, and none at
all on Israel, will indeed go badly wrong.
It would be nice to believe that, after six years of spending on
arms, President Reagan is on the verge of telling the Soviets that
he feels the U.S. is secure and he is ready to negotiate a fail-safe,
mutual arms reduction with them. And it would be wonderful to believe
that now, after he has given Israel everything it says it needs,
Secretary Shultz is on the verge of telling the Israelis that unless
they negotiate real peace with the Palestinians, the music stops
and the party's over.
But before you get carried away with such dreams, watch a press
conference by Mr. Reagan, who six years ago didn't know the answers
about foreign policy, and now doesn't even seem to understand the
questions. And watch George Shultz, who started out looking for
peace but took all his directions from Israel. By the time he catches
up with the mob he thinks he's pleasing, he may find its succinct,
familiar message is addressed to him:
"You've had it, Pal." |