Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, April 1998, Pages
55, 102
Letter From Lebanon
Syria and Iran Make Significant Gestures in
Lebanon
By Carole Dagher
He thought (as did most Lebanese political observers)
he had the unlimited support of Damascus and that he could go on
defying the authority of the Lebanese government and maybe also
achieve an internal coup-de-tat within the Hezbollah leadership.
For having badly miscalculated the limits of his rebellion, however,
Sheikh Sobhi Toufayli is today a "wanted" person hiding
from the authorities in the hills of Brital, his native village
in the Bekaa Valley, at the Syrian-Lebanese border, after his movement
was smashed by the Lebanese army.
In the last week of January 1998, the sheikh crossed
two "red lines" that brought an end to his eight-months-old
"revolt of the hungry." He crossed the first, political,
red line when he openly challenged Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, the
present Hezbollah leader.
Sheikh Toufayli called for a celebration in Ba'albek
of "the International Day of Jerusalem," an observance
that normally takes place every year under the auspices of Hezbollah.
Hezbollah leaders reacted by banishing Toufayli from
the party, of which he had remained a member, though not at a decision-making
level, since 1993.
Outraged by his expulsion, Toufayli then crossed a second,
military, red line. On Jan. 31, he attacked, with his partisans,
the "Hawzat al Mehdi building"—a massive "religious
school" built by the Iranian leadership in the time of Imam
Khomeini in the Ba'albeck area, and managed by the Hezbollah. The
armed attack led to the intervention of the Lebanese army, posted
in the neighborhood since the region of Ba'albeck-Hermel had been
declared a "military zone" by decree of the Council of
Ministers last August.
Instead of complying with the Lebanese army's demand
that they evacuate the building, Toufayli's gunmen resisted. A Lebanese
military officer and two soldiers, four civilians and Sheikh Toufayli's
brother-in-law were killed in the fight. The Lebanese brigades then
occupied the "Hawza school" (where they discovered an
arsenal of assault weapons), encircled Toufayli's village of Brital,
arrested a number of his partisans, shut down his radio station,
searched his house and launched a manhunt in the area, looking for
the fugitive and 22 loyal militiamen who fled with him, while a
warrant for Sheikh Toufayli's arrest was issued.
In a much-noticed visit to Beirut four days later, President
Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri of the Iranian parliament officially confirmed
"Iran's support to the Hezbollah leadership," adding that
the Toufayli case "was an internal Lebanese issue" and
that it was "normal that the Lebanese government applies the
law." That was a clear disavowal of Toufayli's action from
the Iranian regime.
Sheikh Sobhi Toufayli is today a "wanted"
person.
On the same day, Lebanon's Council of Ministers referred
the case of Toufayli and his partisans to the Justice Court, the
highest judicial body in Lebanon, whose verdicts are without appeal,
despite the protest of some political and religious leaders within
the Shi'i community.
At this writing, however, the outcast sheikh is still
at large in the "jurd" (the arid mountains) close to the
Syrian frontier, although Lebanese intelligence services know where
he is hiding. Some observers conclude, therefore, that he has not
totally lost his Syrian protection and that the time has not yet
come to force him to appear before the court.
Syria Releases 121 Lebanese
During the first week of March, 121 Lebanese were released
after years of detention in Syrian prisons. Lebanese and international
human rights groups who had actively campaigned against "enforced
disappearances" in Lebanon hailed the Syrian initiative, hoping
that it would be a first step toward the discharge of all other
detainees, including the Lebanese detained in Israel.
Most of the released Lebanese were associated with the
pro-Iraqi Ba'ath Party or with Muslim fundamentalist groups. Some
also were accused of "collaboration with the Israeli enemy."
Among those released were a few Christians, one of whom was a highranking
Lebanese officer charged with a murder attempt against Brigadier
Ghazi Kanaan, head of the Syrian intelligence services in Lebanon.
The Lebanese prisoners were released soon after a telephone
conversation between Syrian President Hafez Assad and Lebanese President
Elias Hrawi. President Hrawi, in a televised speech last year, had
acknowledged that 210 Lebanese were in Syrian custody. Syrian authorities
say now that only 33 Lebanese remain in their custody, all on "spying
charges."
Analysts point out that two preceding releases of Lebanese
detainees took place in connection with politically significant
events in Lebanon. The first such release occurred in 1986 after
signing of the Syrian-sponsored agreement between the Elie Hobeika-led
Christian militia and Shi'i and Druze militias. The second prisoner
release followed the Syrian invasion of the Christian enclave headed
by the former chief of the military cabinet, Gen. Michel Aoun.
Some observers say that human rights leagues have been
very active, particularly a French-Lebanese lobby, Solida, based
in Paris, and a French-Lebanese association headed by French deputy
Gerard Bapt, who claimed he had been engaged in a mediation effort
with the Syrian regime. Other analysts linked the releases to a
visit to both Damascus and Beirut by Danielle Pletka, senior assistant
for the Middle East on the staff of U.S. Senator Jesse Helms, chairman
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who also had raised the
issue of the Lebanese detained in Syria.
The European Parliament also took the unprecedented
step of adopting on March 12 a resolution asking the Syrian government
to give a complete list of Lebanese detained in Syrian prisons (estimated
to be more than 30), to release those who have no charges against
them and to transfer to Lebanon those who have been charged. The
European Parliament also "pledges the European Council and
the European governments to take into consideration the case of
the Lebanese detainees in their negotiations with the Syrian government
regarding the conclusion of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership agreement."
Pletka and U.N. Resolution 425
Pletka's visit to Beirut, after she met in Damascus
with Syrian Foreign Affairs Minister Farouk el-Charaa, triggered
a big controversy after she described the Lebanese officials she
met as "puppets in the hands of Syria." She also criticized
the Lebanese government for not responding positively to Israeli
acknowledgment of U.N. Security Council Resolution 425, calling
for the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from
southern Lebanon.
After her statements and comments appeared in Lebanese
newspapers, the Baabda Palace announced that President Hrawi had
canceled her appointment. She had already met with Speaker of Parliament
Nabih Berri, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, and commander-in-chief
of the Lebanese army, General Emile Lahoud, as well as with a number
of deputies and ministers at a dinner organized by U.S. Ambassador
Richard Jones.
Lebanese officers she met explained to Pletka Lebanon's
official position that rejects any pre-conditions set forth by the
Israelis such as security arrangements or the dismantling of the
Hezbollah resistance.
Soon after her departure, Syrian Minister of Foreign
Affairs Farouk el-Charaa led a Foreign Ministry delegation to Beirut
for a day of formal talks with his Lebanese counterpart, Fares Boueiz,
at the Lebanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It resulted in confirmation
of the joint Syrian and Lebanese position regarding Resolution 425
and of the intertwining of the Syrian and the Lebanese tracks in
any negotiations.
The coordinated Syrian-Lebanese position was also in
preparation for a visit to the region by U.N. Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, who will presumably wish to discuss the Lebanese response
to Israeli withdrawal overtures.
Carole Dagher
is a free-lance Lebanese journalist and frequent visitor to the United
States based in Beirut. |