U.S. Congressional Delegations Join Protestors in Belgrade

by Shirl McArthur

Leaders of three successive congressional delegations to the former Yugoslavia are taking at least partial credit for Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic’s mid-February reversal of his earlier refusal to accept the results of 14 municipal elections in Serbia in November. After 83 days of protest rallies, in which members of all three U.S. congressional delegations participated, Milosevic finally backed down and allowed the new mayors to be sworn in.

The first delegation, in December, was led by Rep. Nick Rahall (D-WV) and also included Reps. Sanford Bishop (D-GA), Jim Bunn (R-OR), and Bob Ney (R-OH). The delegation visited four republics of the former Yugoslavia—Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Montenegro—and met with government officials, and military, business, and religious leaders. In Belgrade, the delegation members also met with leaders of the pro-democracy opposition coalition (known as Zajedno) and participated in a major protest rally in Belgrade’s Republic Square. In Bosnia they met with commanders of the French peacekeeping forces and with representatives of human rights groups. In Montenegro they also visited a camp for Bosnian refugees.

On Feb. 24, two days after being sworn in, the new mayor of Belgrade, Zoran Djindjic, wrote to Rahall expressing his appreciation for the support given by Rahall and his congressional colleagues to the members of the Zajedno coalition and saying that their activities “had a very positive impact” on the Milosevic government. However, he also pointed out that the central government had stripped the municipalities of all power, leaving Djindjic and the other mayors with authority over only waterworks, sewerage, and garbage disposal.

The second delegation, in early January, was led by Rep. Bruce Vento (D-MI) and included Reps. Rick Boucher (D-WV), John Duncan (R-TN), and Mark Sanford (R-SC). The delegation traveled to Serbia, Croatia, and Montenegro, and met with senior officials and religious leaders in all three republics. In Belgrade they also met with Zajedno leaders, and Vento addressed a major Zajedno rally. In their meeting with Serbian Foreign Minister Milan Milutinovic, they gave him a letter addressed to Milosevic initiated by Rahall and signed by 35 U.S. congressmen urging Milosevic to keep his promise to respect human rights and adhere to democratic principles, honor the results of the November elections, and restore freedom of the press. After Milosevic finally relented and recognized the results of the November municipal elections, Vento and Boucher wrote him again saying that it was a good first step, but not enough unless it was accompanied by implementation of complete freedom of the press and restoration of human rights in Kosovo.

On Jan. 30, Rahall and Vento wrote to Montenegrin President Momir Bulatovic saying that they appreciated hearing from him, Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, and the late Montenegrin Foreign Minister Janko Jeknic that Montenegro supported the full implementation of the Dayton accords and restoration of human rights and press freedom.

The two congressmen said they were dismayed, however, to read accounts of a subsequent meeting between Bulatovic and Milosevic in which Bulatovic was quoted as criticizing the Zajedno coalition, supporting the actions of the Milosevic government in Kosovo, and saying that he planned to join Milosevic in violating their respective constitutions by seeking additional terms as president.

The Senate Delegation

Finally, in late January the third delegation, consisting of Senators Carl Levin (D-MI) and Jack Reed (D-RI), from the Senate Armed Services Committee, visited Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina and met with political and military leaders in the three republics. While their purpose was primarily to evaluate and make recommendations regarding the U.S. and NATO military presence in the area, they also addressed a Zajedno rally and urged Foreign Minister Milutinovic to honor the Dayton accords and facilitate resettlement of refugees.

All of this was just too much free speech for Milosevic. In late January, a Serbian Foreign Ministry official formally complained to the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade that all three delegations had taken part in anti-Milosevic demonstrations and “publicly participated in political agitation, which represents a crude and impermissible form of interference in our internal affairs.” The Serb official said that such actions could result in refusal of visas to future congressional delegations. The U.S. Embassy in Belgrade’s deputy chief of mission reportedly replied that such an action could only backfire, and a State Department spokesman said that denying visas “would be a very bad idea.”

At which point the mouse roared. Montenegro Prime Minister Djukanovic issued a press release saying he was “very disappointed” by the Serbian Foreign Ministry statement. He pointed out that Serbia (population 10 million) and Montenegro (population 620,000) are equal partners in the Yugoslav federation, and that even if future U.S. congressional delegations are not allowed to enter the Republic of Serbia, they will be welcome in Montenegro where they would be able to meet with opposition political parties and independent news media. He said he would ask the Serbian authorities to change their attitude about future delegations. Djukanovic also referred in his press release to the critical letter sent by Rahall and Vento to Bulatovic and said that this was “all part of the dialogue of democracy.”

However, Muslim sources in Washington who are familiar with the situation in the former Yugoslavia admonished the Washington Report not to be too quick to praise Montenegro’s leaders, saying that they participated equally with Serbia in the war against Bosnia, and that they still have not condemned genocidal Yugoslav actions against Bosnia’s Muslims. Furthermore, according to these sources, Muslims in Montenegro are systematically treated as second class citizens, and corruption is rampant among Montenegro’s leaders.

In support of these accusations, Senators Levin and Reed met at the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade with Montenegrin opposition leaders, who confirmed the authoritarian nature of the regime in Montenegro and expressed frustration with the controlled media. Apparently a major difference between the Milosevic and Djukanovic governments is that the latter has had to survive surrounded by more powerful neighbors, and thus has perfected the art of saying what its listeners want to hear.