Washington Report, April 30, 1984, Page 2
Policy
Israel and "State Terrorism"
During recent months, "state terrorism" has become a
new watchword within the Administration, and the need to fight it
more effectively has developed into a major goal of U.S. foreign
policy.
This fact became clearer than ever in mid-April, when the White
House confirmed that President Reagan had issued a secret directive
on April 3 which laid the basis for "taking the offensive"
against state terrorism.
Speaking about the directive, White House spokesman Larry Speakes
declared on April 18 that "the states that practice terrorism
or actively support it cannot be allowed to do so without consequences."
The next day, Secretary of State Shultz warned that some of the
U.S.'s counter-actions might be preemptive.
The emphasis on this issue has been building up since last fall,
after 241 American marines were killed in Beirut by truck-bombers
that the Administration believed were linked to Iran.
After the massacre, officials began talking of state terrorism
as though it were a new development. As recently as last December
27, President Reagan said that state-sponsored terrorism was "a
fundamentally new phenomenon." On January 22, Mr. Shultz talked
of "the emergence of terror as a kind of weapon of war by states,"
and named not only Iran but also Syria, Libya and the Soviet Union
as countries that use this weapon. In a later speech, he added North
Korea.
Many longtime observers of Middle East affairs fault the assessment
of these Administration leaders on two counts. Firstly, state terrorism
is not new—it has been practiced in the Middle East for years.
Secondly, one country that has used terrorism to very great effect
over the past 36 years—the state of Israel—has not been
put on their list of practitioners.
In 1980, the CIA, in a report issued publicly, defined terrorism
as "the threat or use of violence for political purposes by
individuals or groups, whether acting for, or in opposition to,
established governmental authority, when such actions are intended
to shock or intimidate a target group wider than the immediate victims."
In the columns which follow, we list a small sample of actions
by Israel that meet the criteria laid down by the CIA:
*On September 17, 1948, four months after the official establishment
of Israel, U.N. Palestine Mediator Count Folke Bernadotte was assassinated
by members of an Israeli terrorist group, the so-called Stern Gang,
while driving in the Israeli-controlled sector of Jerusalem. The
U.S. government, at the time, believed the identity of the perpetrators
was known to Israel's Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, but the perpetrators
were never prosecuted. Thirty years later one of them, Yehoshva
Zeitler—known to be a close friend of Ben Gurion's—acknowledged
that he was one of the assassins and explained that "we executed
Bernadotte because he was a one-man institution who endangered the
status of Jerusalem by his declared intention of turning her into
an international city. He was hostile to Israel from the moment
the state was established and actually laid the foundation for the
present U.N. policy of supporting the Arabs." The message to
other potential pro-Arab sympathizers was clear.
*In early October, 1953, three people in an Israeli border village
were found murdered—presumably by attackers who had crossed
from Jordan. Later, on the night of October 14-15, an Israeli military
force crossed into the small Jordan border village of Qibya and
demolished 30 to 40 buildings, including the village school, the
water pumping station, the police station and the telephone office.
But the soldiers did much, much more. According to the official
report by the Chief of Staff of the U.N. Truce Supervisory Organization,
whose officers went to the scene immediately after the raid: "Bullet-riddled
bodies near the doorways, and multiple bullet hits on the doors
of the demolished houses indicated that the inhabitants had been
forced to remain inside until their homes were blown up over them.
Witnesses were uniform in describing their experience as a night
of horror, during which Israeli soldiers moved about in their village,
blowing up buildings, firing into doorways and windows with automatic
weapons, and throwing hand grenades." More than 50 men, women
and children died. It was later acknowledged by Israel that the
raid had been carried out by Force 101, a special unit set up for
just this kind of operation under the command of Major Ariel Sharon.
*During July, 1954, several bombs went off in Cairo and Alexandria,
including two which set fire to the U.S. Information Service offices
in both those cities and one which went off in a Metro-Goldwyn Mayer
theater. Members of what the Egyptian authorities described as a
ring of "Israeli spies" and who were, in fact, Jewish—were
tracked down and put on trial. Two of them were executed and the
rest jailed. The Egyptian action raised a furor among Israelis,
who accused Egypt's president,Gamal Abdul Nasser, of "trumping
up" charges against Jews. A few months later, however, a political
scandal erupted in Israel—later known as the "Lavon affair"—and
forced out the admission from Israeli government officials that
the members of the Cairo spy ring were indeed Israeli spies—highly
trained members of Israel's military intelligence service. A primary
purpose of the bombing operation, it turned out, was to try to put
a halt to what the Israeli government saw as an alarming trend towards
better Egypt-U.S. relations—by creating the impression through
the bombings that Egypt was basically unstable and anti-American.
*On December 12, 1955, Israel carried out a three-pronged, meticulously
planned attack by land and sea against Syria, on the northeastern
shore of Lake Tiberias. More than 50 Syrians were killed. Israel
told the U.S. Security Council, which condemned the raid, that the
attack was a reprisal for Syrian hindrance of Israeli fishermen
on Lake Tiberias, but U.S. truce observers declared there had been
no such hindrance. In the opinion of American truce observer Commander
E.H. Hutchison, "it was a premeditated raid of intimidation,
motivated by Israel's desire to test the strength of the Egyptian-Syrian
mutual defense pact, to disrupt Arab unity further, to bait the
Arab states into some overt act of aggression that would afford
it the opportunity to overrun additional territory..."
*On October 29,1956, in the Israeli Arab village of Kafr Kasem,
Israeli border guards shot and killed 43 Israeli Arabs, including
seven children and ten women. The victims were farm workers who
were returning home on foot unaware that while they were laboring
in the fields a daily curfew—imposed because of the Suez war—had
been moved forward from 9 p.m. to 5 p.m. The government kept the
massacre secret for two months, but was forced to hold a trial after
word of it was leaked. At the trial it was revealed that the border
police had been given orders to enforce the new curfew in a way
that would impress the inhabitants of the local Arab villages: violators
were to be shot, not arrested, even if they had not heard about
the change in the curfew. Several of the defendants testified that
the police officer in charge had said that if some Arabs were killed
it would make the task of enforcing the curfew that much easier.
The officer told the court that he was obeying the orders of the
military. A number of the defendants were given sentences, but less
than a year later all of them were freed.
*On July 18,1981, Israeli planes bombed Beirut, killing more than
300 civilians. The Israeli army's chief of intelligence told reporters
that the motive behind Israel's massive raid on a densely populated
quarter was to generate Lebanese civilian resentment against the
presence of Palestinian guerrillas there. "I would say at least
they have something to think about now," he said. A few days
later, Israeli jets again dropped bombs over Lebanon. According
to The New York Times, "Witnesses, including Western
reporters caught in the attacks, said nearly all of the casualties
appeared to be civilians, most of them burned alive in their cars,
trapped in clogged traffic."
*In October, 1982, an Israeli court began the trial of seven Israeli
soldiers on charges of beating up West Bank Palestinians. The soldiers
had said they were just following standing orders. Documents introduced
at the trial included some issued by the then Israeli chief of staff
Lt. Gen. Rafael Eitan, which called for the punishment of the parents
of students who participate in demonstrations, expulsion from the
West Bank of Arabs considered troublemakers by the Israelis, and
"economic punishment" of whole villages. Eitan said Arabs
should be imprisoned for investigation, without formal charges,
for up to 18 days as allowed by Israeli law in the occupied territory,
released for a few days and then reimprisoned. "Harrass them,"
Gen. Eitan said, according to the documents. He also urged the creation
of a special "detention exile" camp in the West Bank and
said that the Arab population should be informed that "the
inhabitants of Jewish settlements (in the West Bank) must carry
arms and open fire when attacked." After the documents were
introduced at the trial, Gen. Eitan commented: "None of these
methods were illegal." The court agreed, but convicted four
of the soldiers, on February 17,1983, for having gone beyond Eitan's
recommendations. They were given token sentences.
Space limitations do not allow us to provide a fuller list of similar
Israeli terrorist actions, which could fill many more pages. We
have not, for example, included the many acts of terrorism that
were carried out in Lebanon during and after the invasion of Lebanon
in June, 1982—including the illegal use of the U.S.-supplied
cluster and phosphorus bombs which cause such painful injury to
individuals. We can also make only passing mention of the frequent
and devastating attacks on refugee camps in Lebanon which took place
at various other times during the 1970s; and of the random and murderous
shelling and bombardments during 1969 and 1970 of Egyptian villages,
towns and cities—which Israelis hoped would humiliate Nasser
enough to cause his downfall. Nor was there space to provide examples
of the government-encouraged vigilantism that has caused so many
deaths of Arabs in the West Bank. |