Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, March 1998, Pages
42, 85
Letter From Lebanon
A Crucial Year for Democracy in Lebanon Opens With
a Warming of U.S.-Lebanese Relations
By Carole Dagher
Positive signals have been sent to Lebanon during
the last months, despite some important setbacks on the economic
level as well as in the media policies of the government. In a much
publicized move, Saudi Arabia deposited $600 million with the Lebanese
Central Bank for a period of three years to activate the country's
monetary reserves. Viewed as a "shot in the arm" by some
economists, the Saudi initiative (that came through Saudi al-Ahli
Bank), was welcomed by Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, who said it
should help Lebanon overcome its financial problems and strengthen
its currency.
The Saudi deposit eased the tension that was affecting
the Lebanese pound at the end of 1997. Lebanese businessmen were
concerned about the slowdown in economic growth and a ballooning
national debt, estimated at between $13.5 and $15 billion, that
was threatening the stability of the currency amidst a set of corruption
scandals that had reached the highest political circles. One of
these became known as "the Middle East Airlines (MEA) case."
It involved MEA chairman Khaled Salam, who had leased from Singapore
Airlines three not-so-new Airbuses at a particularly high cost,
despite the Lebanese national airline's budget deficit of $53 million
for 1997. Under pressure of a media campaign that suggested kickbacks
had been paid to MEA officials to sanction the deal, the MEA board
resigned and a new board was established, including a former president
of Air France. The MEA now has embarked on a complete restructuring
process.
U.S. "New Moves" in Lebanon
It was said that the Saudi financial contribution
had been encouraged by the U.S. administration, and discussed between
Saudi officials and Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs
Martin Indyk during his Mideast tour last December.
At a time when U.S. policy in the Middle East is stalled
because of Binyamin Netanyahu's intransigence, and when U.S. special
envoy Dennis Ross has failed repeatedly in his attempts to revive
the peace process, fostering stabilization in Lebanon and avoiding
any major economic or political crisis seems to be of renewed American
interest. Martin Indyk's meetings in Beirut included, beside President
Elias Hrawi and Prime Minister Hariri, Lebanese Armed Forces commander-in-chief
General Emile Lahoud and a Maronite opposition leader, Dory Chamoun.
Indyk's visit and discussions with the Lebanese leaders
triggered a media debate over motivations for what was viewed as
the "sudden U.S. interest in Lebanon." Hezbollah Secretary-General
Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah viewed it as an attempt to "separate
both Lebanese and Syrian tracks."
The U.S. presence in Lebanon has been an active one
lately.
He also scorned announcements of financial contributions
by U.S. Ambassador Richard Jones, and compared them to the U.S.
annual budget for Israel. "It is ridiculous that the ambassador
donates $10,000 to this or that institution or distributes some
cows to farmers in the Bekaa while the U.S. offers $3 billion each
year to the Israeli enemy," he said.
However, the Hezbollah leader was the only major political
figure in Lebanon who expressed fear of a certain amount of American
involvement in Lebanon on both the economic and political levels.
According to local analysts, he was reflecting Syrian concern about
possible "competition" between Damascus and Washington
in Lebanon or "use" by the United States of mainly Christian
political elements hostile to Syrian hegemony in Lebanon to put
pressure on the Damascus regime.
This concern is diminishing, however, since most observers
view the U.S. role as either a neutral one in regard to Syria, or
even reflecting Syrian-American coordination in Lebanon. In fact
the U.S. presence in Lebanon has been an active one lately.
Ambassador Jones launched some meaningful economic
and development programs in various regions of the country, including
the Bekaa Valley, met and received leaders and representatives from
a broad political and social spectrum of the country, and has emphasized
the necessity of holding the municipal elections, scheduled for
May, on time—a "hope" also expressed by President
Clinton to President Hrawi two months ago.
Meanwhile, and in the wake of Secretary of State Albright's
decision to lift the travel ban on Lebanon and her visit to Beirut
last September, U.S. delegations including members of Congress and
American businessmen of Lebanese descent visited Lebanon in early
January, and met with all major political and religious representatives
of the country. They were also received in Syria by President Hafez
Assad.
Most meaningful was the announcement of the re-opening
of the Kfarfalous road linking the Jezzine area to the rest of the
country through the city of Sidon. This announcement coincided with
Martin Indyk's visit to Lebanon and was attributed to the U.S. mediation
with its ally, Israel, to make that re-opening possible by restraining
the Israel-funded and directed South Lebanon Army (SLA). (A first
attempt to open the road last summer was faced with shells from
SLA positions). Before leaving Lebanon, Indyk had announced to the
Lebanese people "a surprise within six weeks."
Israel Recognizes Resolution 425 "On Condition"
Further developments regarding southern Lebanon took
place a few weeks after the re-opening of the Kfarfalous passage.
The "surprise" predicted by Indyk presumably was the recognition
by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu of U.N. Resolution 425, calling
for the "total and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces
from all Lebanese territories." However he attached to this
"recognition" pre-conditions (such as security arrangements
and the integration of the SLA within the Lebanese Armed Forces)
that were impossible for the Lebanese government to accept.
Nevertheless French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine,
who visited the Middle East in mid-January in an attempt to launch
a European initiative regarding the peace talks, said that "Israel's
acceptance of Resolution 425 is a good start and a positive development."
Somewhat more caustically, Lebanese Foreign Minister Fares Boueiz
added: "they finally recognized it 20 years after the U.N.
Security Council voted the resolution. So maybe we'll have to wait
another 20 years for them to drop any pre-conditions to its implementation."
After discussions with Lebanese officials, Vedrine
also acknowledged that the Israeli recognition of 425 "is not
yet in accordance with the real framework of the resolution, since
it is coupled with a lot of conditions" that render it meaningless.
He reiterated the position of French President Jacques Chirac, stated
in 1996, that France would participate in any international security
mechanisms in southern Lebanon in case of Israeli withdrawal.
Israeli officials have hinted that they may implement
a first withdrawal from the Jezzine area. The general perception,
however, is that Israel is only maneuvering and will not soon pull
out of the south or change its policies there.
Broadcasting Restrictions Trigger Protests
Opening up the "year of elections," viewed
by all major observers as the "test year for democracy in Lebanon,"
the government banned satellite broadcasting of political programs
and news. The decision followed a controversial TV talk-show appearance
by a prominent opposition member of Parliament, Najah Wakim. His
appearance capped a series of talk-shows where opposition figures
trashed economic policies of the Hariri cabinet. The government
said its decision to suspend TV satellite broadcasting licenses
was because these talk-shows were "sending a wrong signal to
potential investors abroad that Lebanon is no safe haven for their
investments."
The government also prohibited the live broadcast
of an interview with Gen. Michel Aoun, who headed the military cabinet
of 1988 to 1990. He is living in exile in Paris.
The television bans triggered a demonstration by protesters
who gathered for a sit-in in front of the TV building. When police
sought to break up the protest TV cameras picked up beatings and
arrests that led to further widespread demonstrations. For three
days, and for the first time since the end of the civil war in 1991,
all major universities in Lebanon witnessed sit-ins while the Beirut
and Tripoli Bar Associations and the Engineers Council went on strike.
All politicians and deputies (friends and foes of
General Aoun alike) vilified the government's decision that threatened
freedom of the press and of expression. U.S. Ambassador Jones emphasized,
during a visit to the Maronite patriarch, the need to respect "freedom
of expression for all."
Despite the government's suspension of the right
to gather and demonstrate, AUB students organized a march through
downtown Beirut. The protests reached their peak when some 3,000
university students organized a peaceful sit-in in front of the
parliament.
Unrest ended only after arrested students were released
and General Aoun appeared on Jan. 11 in a televised interview from
Paris, watched by 89 percent of the Lebanese people, according to
some media polls. Aoun reiterated his opposition to the "Syrian
occupation of Lebanon and the violation of Lebanon's independence
and sovereignty" and called for "privileged and tight
relations of cooperation and friendship with Syria, on an equal
and fair basis for both countries."
Carole
Dagher is a free-lance Lebanese journalist and frequent visitor to
the United States based in Beirut. |