March 1991, Page 42

Other People's Mail

Some letters by or to other people are as informative for our readers as anything we might write ourselves.

Don't Blame the Kuwaitis

To The Washington Post, Jan. 11, 1991

I am writing in response to Rep. James A. Hayes's (D-LA) comments quoted in the front-page story "Kuwaitis Pay $5.6 Million to Publicity Firm." Frankly, I feel that the representative's outrage at the Kuwaiti's hiring a PR firm is misplaced.

Obviously, the group Citizens for a Free Kuwait has been quick to learn the lessons of political life here in the United States. Though they fail to discuss problems and present solutions, politicians who spend unbelievable sums of money on negative, misleading and manipulative television ads are elected again and again. During his last campaign, Sen. Jesse Helms (R-NC) spent twice as much as the Kuwaiti group paid to Hill & Knowlton.

We continually elect officials who blatantly hire speech writers and speak from prepared scripts. We accept "leaders" who, in order to function properly, must be miraculously transformed by PR teams after gaining office—and we treat it as a joke instead of the serious threat to the national interest that it is.

I understand Rep. Haynes's concerns about foreign lobbying, but we need to realize that we have created the problem ourselves. Here money, television ads and manufactured images buy votes and influence decisions. We shouldn't be surprised if those with the means to do so use our system to further a cause that is of such importance to them. We have to recognize that the immorality lies in our system, not in their cause.

Leslie Spitz-Edson, Washington, DC

Stereotypes Not Helpful

To the Army Times, Feb. 11, 1991

In the local post exchange I found a T shirt, on the upper left side of which was a small American flag next to these words: "Blow a dune goon to the moon. " In my office building is a poster of a camel rider over which a target grid is superimposed with the words: "I'd fly 10,000 miles to smoke a camel." Is this what we in America have reduced ourselves to?

World War I had its poetry, World War II its novels, and the Vietnam War had music, most of which tried to come to grips with war. Will the Persian Gulf crisis be famous for its T-shirts and posters?

On one level, there is a tinge of racism. Are all Arabs "camel jockeys" or "dune goons, " or as I overheard one officer call them, "a bunch of ragheads"? I wonder what the international' officers who attend the military school here think as they walk the hallways and use the post exchange. Is this the type of attitude we want them to witness before returning to their countries?

There are many examples of similar attitudes with harmful results. In World War II we shamefully rounded up Japanese Americans and sent them to detention camps. All the Germans—young and old, military and civilian—became hated Nazis. The Vietnamese were called "gooks" during the Vietnam War. And the Soviets all were communists living in an evil empire.

Some would say this is much ado about nothing. But I believe that, of all people, we in the military should be the most sensitive. We should be aware of the humanity of our foe. The Iraqi soldier is not an animal or subhuman. He is a fellow human being who has feelings, hopes and dreams similar to ours.

We will do our duty as he will his. But the differences in culture, language and customs should not be used as propaganda to make it easier for us to fight him.

Maj. Robert H.B. Dela-Cruz, Leavenworth, KS

All Those Arabs

To Lies of Our Times, Oct. 29, 1990

I commend the recent decision of The New York Times to liberalize the definition of the Future Dimmed word "Arab."

A.M. Rosenthal's column, which took aim at the "horrid Arabs" in both Iraq and Iran, presumably was the first instance of this novel approach to the lexicon of racial politics.

It has always seemed obvious to me that those people who live east of Europe and west of China, who worship Allah, and who have swarthy skin might just as well be called Arabs. Why not? The Afghans, Pakistanis and Indonesians are what The Times and I could call Eastern Arabs, and the Lebanese, Egyptians and Turks are Western Arabs wouldn't Mr. Rosenthal agree?

By the way, there's a young man down the hall from me who's taking a correspondence course in zoology. He has come to the conclusion that there's no difference between bears and gorillas. He argues that they are about the same size, are furry, walk on their hind legs occasionally, and are dangerous when angry. Do you suppose that The New York Times has a spot open for him as a science reporter?

Louis Proyect, New York, NY

A "Moving" Syrian Story

To The Washington Post, Feb. 5, 1991

Parents, educators and librarians are working to increase literacy in this country. The recent announcement regarding the awards presented by the American Library Association at its midwinter meeting supports this effort by letting the public know which books published in 1990 have been selected as the best in their given category.

Unfortunately, the Mildred Batchelder Award was omitted from the announcement. While not of the same prestige as the Newberry or Caldecott awards, the Batchelder is of particular importance this year as we struggle for "unity through diversity," because this award is presented to the best book for children translated from any other language into English. As a member of the selection committee, I know that this year's winner, "A Hand Full of Stars" by Rafik Schami, is a moving coming-of-age story about a boy growing up in Damascus, Syria, who dreams of becoming a journalist. It provides a vivid portrait of a youth from another culture while at the same time letting young people know that their concerns are universal.

Phyllis G. Sidorsky, Alexandria, VA

Future Dimmed

To the Christian Science Monitor, Jan. 31, 1991

Recent revelations have been dimming Amotz Asael's bright Jan. 22 expectations that "the influx of Soviet Jews will strengthen Israel's economy, politics and diplomatic position. " Word came from Jerusalem the next day that Israeli plans to absorb a million such immigrants through 1992 will call for another $10 billion in US aid. Hebrew University economist Gur Ofer, quoted in New Outlook magazine, estimates it will take twice that sum to process half that number. Chairman Avraham Shohat of the Knesset Finance Committee adds that no coherent absorption program can be adequately developed, no matter how many billions come in in gifts or loans, as long as conflicting concepts, problematic personal relationships and lack of leadership continue to dominate related government processes.

In the realm of diplomacy: Israel's resistance—on Zionist ideological grounds—to offers from other countries to receive displaced Soviet Jews may tarnish such international support as is based on its claimed concern for the well-being of Jews everywhere. And the prospects of ever negotiating stable relations with its Middle Eastern neighbors are not enhanced by the widely reported practice endorsed by Agriculture Minister Rafael Eitan of giving jobs now held by Palestinians to the "unemployed (Jews) and new (Soviet) immigrants."

L. Humphrey Walz, D.D., Janesville, WI

Into the Looking Glass

To The Washington Post, Feb. 6, 1991

In the article by Turkish President Turgut Ozal [see "Other Voices" in this issue] I would like to suggest changing the word "Kuwait" to "northern Cyprus" and the word "Iraq" to "Turkey": "The invasion and annexation of northern Cyprus by Turkey were in direct violation of all norms of international order."

Approximately half the people of Cyprus, including my family, were forced to leave their homes in Cyprus when the Turkish army invaded in 1974. I was 12 years old then, and to this day I cannot return.

Mr. Ozal suggests that the process of "democratization" in the Middle East "would help the region keep pace with the new world order. " Democratic freedoms in Turkey have been suppressed for a long time now, a fact well documented in the annual Amnesty International reports. The cruel oppression of the large Kurdish minority in Turkey is not much different from the treatment of Kurds in Iraq.

In a new world order, concern for freedom and human dignity should not be different in Kuwait, in Palestine, in Cyprus, in El Salvador, in Latvia or in South Africa.

Kyriacos Costa Kyriacou, Seattle, WA

The President Should be Impeached

To Marion A. Fitch, Feb. 1, 1991

I appreciate your support for impeachment of the president because of Operation Desert Storm. My decision to introduce this legislation was made over a number of months, and it was a very difficult decision which I did not take lightly. However, the pain I feel for our The President Should country, and particularly for the men and women from around the world who will die in this war, compelled me to act. I support our troops, for they are obeying their Commander-in-Chief, but this is not a war they should have to fight.

There are five grounds for my Resolution of Impeachment. The first is that the President has violated the equal protection clause of the Constitution by exploiting the lack of economic opportunities available in our society to poor Whites, to Blacks, and to Mexican-Americans. By failing to provide viable economic opportunity to these people, the government has effectively forced them into military service. This is not right, and it violates these individuals' right to equal protection.

The second basis for my Resolution is that the President violated the United Nations Charter and other laws in bribing and threatening UN Security Council members into voting for the use of force in the Middle East. This is clear: Egypt's $7 billion debt to us was " forgiven; " China was promised $140 million; over V billion was promised to the Soviet Union; Zaire was promised military assistance and partial forgiveness of its debt; Saudi Arabia was promised at least $12 billion in arms; Yemen was threatened with the termination of support; and the United States finally paid off $187 million of its debt to the United Nations.

The third basis is that the President is using weapons of massive force that will result in the killing of tens of thousands of civilians. This is outrageously immoral, and it is a violation of law.

The fourth basis is that the President never took his case to Congress when there could be full and open debate on the question of war instead, the President waited until 500,000 troops' lives were on the line, and the majority in Congress believed they had no choice but to support the President, particularly since he stated he would go to war even if Congress prohibited it.

The fifth basis is that the President has generally, and in every way, breached the peace by his unwarranted commitment to violence. We have violence in our streets San Antonio's murder rate is soaring, as is the murder rate in our nation's capital and other cities around the nation.

How can we preach to our children and our adult citizens that violence is not the way to solve conflicts when our nation is engaging in violence of such magnitude?

Henry B. Gonzales (D-TX), US House of Representatives Washington, DC

The President Should Be Applauded

To President George Bush, Nov. 23, 1990

Thank you for having the courage to stand up to Israel and the pro-Israel bullies who buy our congressmen. You must be facing a storm of criticism, and I want you to know that there are a lot more like myself who support your actions such as the Security Council resolution deploring Israel's deportation of Palestinians. I wish more of us were as vocal as those who uncritically support the Israeli thugs, but at least the opinion polls show that the majority want Israel to be restrained.

Keep up the good work, Mr. President!

Paul S. Larudee, New York, NY

The White House Responds

To Paul S. Larudee, Nov. 29, 1990

Thank you for your letter to President Bush expressing your views regarding the tragic events that took place in Jerusalem on Oct. 8, 1990.

The United States voted for United Nations Security Council Resolution 672, concerning the violence that took place on Oct. 8 at the holy places in Jerusalem. The Administration thought it important to be on record opposing what we believe was excessive use of deadly force by Israeli security personnel. The US position was motivated by genuine concern over what had taken place and by the desire to see such occurrences avoided in the future. It did not, however, imply any criticism of Israel's policy governing access to the holy places of Jerusalem, which has been praiseworthy; nor was the vote in any way intended to minimize the harm done to those of the Jewish faith whose prayers were interrupted by stones. There can be no justification for that. Furthermore, our policy on Jerusalem remains unchanged: Jerusalem should never be divided again, and its final status should be decided by negotiations.

Resolution 672 also authorized the United Nations Secretary-General to dispatch his representative to investigate the incident. The United States fully supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to fulfill that mandate. We have welcomed the Government of Israel's invitation to the Secretary-General's representative to come to Israel.

The President continues to urge all parties to exercise the utmost restraint in the future. The tension and violence painfully attest to the need for progress toward a negotiated settlement of the Arab-Israeli dispute, an endeavor the United States is dedicated to advancing.

The President appreciates the interest that prompted you to write.

Shirley M. Green, Special Assistant to the President for Presidential Messages and Correspondence

... But Wait a Minute

To Shirley M. Green, Special Assistant to the President for Presidential Messages and Correspondence, Dec. 24, 1990

Your letter of Nov. 29, 1990 was designed to respond to criticism of the US vote for UN Security Council Resolution 672. My letter did not criticize the UN action; it supported it.

I hope you did not record my letter as against the action. I realize that most of your mail was, but that is all the more reason for the President to know that some of us do support his actions in standing up to the Israeli thugs. Please reclassify my letter as "for."

By the way, I don't find Israel's policy governing access to the holy places "praiseworthy." Due to the numerous curfews and other restrictions, Arab Muslims and Christians have far less access to their holy places than Jews have to theirs. In fact, the Israeli policy toward Arabs is not substantially different from the preceding Jordanian one toward Jews, except that few, if any, Jews were living under Jordanian occupation. Besides, Prime Minister Shamir has already indicated his sympathy with Jewish extremists who want to demolish the holiest mosques in Jerusalem and build a Jewish temple there instead.

Paul S. Larudee, New York, NY

Time to Change US Policy in Somalia

To The New York Times, Jan. 3, 1991

I am concerned and dismayed by American foreign policy and aid to Somalia. In 1985, and in 1986-88, I was an administrator for refugee and training programs funded by the Agency for International Development in Somalia. American newspapers have given little coverage to widespread governmental atrocities and the lack of effectiveness of aid.

The virtual collapse of our development and relief programs was evident in the removal of personnel by the United Nations, the United States Embassy and other donor agencies because of widespread violence and civil strife in the capital, Mogadishu (news article, Dec. 12). Formerly, Somalia obtained major funding because of its poverty, refugee influxes, and "strategic" ports on the Indian Ocean. Unfortunately, most of this development aid, perceived as another form of military assistance by the Mohamed Siad Barre regime, has had little impact on the rural poor or governmental reform.

United States foreign policy has been ambiguous, officially emphasizing military support, economic development, refugee assistance and human rights. "Strategic interests" have predominated, however, and severely constrained development and humanitarian programs. In response to increased "genocidal" oppression and killing of Isaaks (the largest clan in Northern Somalia), civil war broke out between the Isaaks (Somali National Movement) and government troops in May 1988.

The United States Embassy approved provision of military supplies to government forces, which subsequently prevailed. United Nations observers estimated that 60,000 people were killed in the conflict, many of them unarmed women and children.

President Siad Barre is reported to be holed up in a military bunker near the airport, while Mogadishu and the rest of the country are in chaos. I urge that our government distance itself immediately from a policy generally perceived to be neither strategic nor in our long-term interests.

It is past time to cut off aid and other forms of support to the Siad Barre government and work within the United Nations for a peaceful resolution.

Stanley B. Andrews, Boca Raton, FL

Analogy with Iraq Unfair

To The New York Times, Jan. 5, 1991

"East Timor: The Shame Endures" contains confusing and misleading information on the decolonization of East Timor. This peaceful process, conducted through negotiations between Portugal, Indonesia and East Timor's political parties, was aborted when Fretilin, a small group of East Timorese, tried to seize power and plunged the territory into violent civil war.

Fretilin, not East Timor, unilaterally declared independence Nov. 28, 1975, without taking into account the popular exercise of self-determination. Such irresponsible actions by Fretilin, in violation of democratic principles and values, which has brought misery, despair and death to thousands of East Timorese, cannot be construed as an act of self-determination.

Indonesia's involvement in East Timor subsequently is merely a response to the chaotic and tragic circumstances resulting from Fretilin's unilateral action and the irresponsible abandonment of East Timor by Portugal. Far from annexing, invading or occupying another independent state, Indonesia's role in East Timor contributed to the decolonization by helping to insure that the democratically expressed will of the majority would not be overruled by armed terror and imposition of power by the ruthless Fretilin, which posed as revolutionaries, but were collaborators of Portuguese colonial rule.

The people of East Timor exercised their right to self-determination May 31, 1976, when the National Assembly expressed its wish to integrate with Indonesia in accordance with United Nations Resolutions 1514, 1541 and 2625. FX Lopes da Cruz, a native of East Timor and former chairman of Uniao Democration de Timor Leste, the largest political party in East Timor during decolonization, confirmed in Geneva last February that the decision to integrate with Indonesia "was the choice of the overwhelming majority of the people of East Timor."

You have drawn an analogy between the integration of East Timor with Indonesia and Iraq's aggression against Kuwait. Iraq's action against Kuwait constitutes invasion, occupation and annexation of a sovereign and independent neighboring state. East Timor, however, was a non-selfgoverning territory in process of decolonization, which was mishandled by the colonial power, Portugal. The integration of East Timor with Indonesia has brought development to the territory. Schools, hospitals, office buildings, roads and other infrastructure are solid evidence of development in East Timor.

Human rights in all their aspects, including the exercise of the right to good health, the right to education and the right to adequate food and shelter, are well promoted. The sporadic demonstrations you mention are evidence that freedom of expression and opinion are not limited, as long as respect for the rights of others, public order and safety, as prescribed by the international bill of human rights, are observed.

You allege that 100,000 to 200,000 Timorese died between 1975 and 1980, mostly at the hands of the Indonesian Army. Nothing is further from the truth. Thousands who died are the victims of the civil war that had raged even before Indonesia was in East Timor. Furthermore, your figures are sheer exaggeration.

You also accuse Indonesia of having sealed off East Timor from foreign contacts until last year. Since 1979, East Timor has been open to foreign visitors. Representatives of foreign governments, parliamentary delegations, foreign journalists and dignitaries, including Pope John Paul II, have visited East Timor since then.

Makarim Wibisono, Press Counselor, Embassy of Indonesia, Washington, DC