February/March 1996, Pages 85-86
California Calling
California's Stanley Sheinbaum's Meetings with
Syria's Hafez Al-Assad
By Pat and Samir Twair
When Stanley K. Sheinbaum's commentary "For a Winning Deal,
Count Hafez Assad In," appeared in the Dec. 1 issue of the
Los Angeles Times, we were intrigued by mention at the end
of the column that this prominent Southern Californian had met with
Hafez Al Assad in Damascus.
How many other non-official Americans, particularly Jewish Americans,
had met with the Syrian president, we wondered?
When we posed the question to the economist, former Los Angeles
police commissioner, University of California regent and free-lance
diplomat, Sheinbaum said he had met with Assad twice.
"I'm not running a government, I have nothing personal to
gain, but I do have a feeling of what should be done," stated
Sheinbaum, who organized the team of American Jewish leaders who
met with Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat
at the time he publicly pledged to recognize Israel and disavow
terrorism. That was in Stockholm in 1988. Sheinbaum also takes credit
for delivering Arafat's message to President Clinton in May 1993
that he would accept a Gaza, Jericho first agreement.
Granted, it was mind-boggling back in 1988 when Sheinbaum's group
met with Arafat, at a time when the U.S. government still refused
to have any dealings with the PLO chairman, but how did Sheinbaum
manage in 1993 to set up his first meeting with Assad, an elusive
leader whom even few Syrians have seen other than on TV?
Harking back to the September 1993 White House signing of the Oslo
agreement between the PLO and Israel, Sheinbaum said he and his
wife Betty were dinner guests of the Clintons two nights later and
he told the president he might visit Assad and try to reopen the
Syrian track on peace negotiations. The president replied: "I
want you to go."
Sheinbaum talked to Syrian Ambassador Walid al-Moualim, whom he
already knew, and said he didn't want to go just to shake hands
or have a meaningless conversation. Al-Moualim assured him this
would not happen.
In early November, Sheinbaum arrived in Damascus and went to talk
to Assad in his new hilltop presidential palace. "I had anticipated
tough negotiations," Sheinbaum recalled. However, within the
first three or four minutes, Assad commented: "I understand
you are friends with President Clinton and Secretary [of State]
Christopher. I'll tell you what I want. I want you to get me a summit
with President Clinton."
Sheinbaum got him that summit for the next January in Geneva. So
much for their first meeting and that "tough" negotiation.
But what was it like to talk with Assad?, we persisted.
"He's smart and he's shrewd. He also likes to banter,"
Sheinbaum replied. "And this is a lot of fun." Their conversation
lasted more than five hours and Sheinbaum quickly confirmed that
the Syrian leader is no admirer of Arafat. "He expressed the
thought that Israel made a mistake by making a deal with Arafat
because Arafat doesn't command the respect of all the Palestinians."
Sheinbaum dared to tread where Syrian advisers never would and
told Assad he should concentrate more attention on Syria's economy
and less on building his military capability. They discussed Syria's
developing relationship with the U.S. "Assad was proud of taking
part on the side of the allies in the Gulf war," Sheinbaum
said, "but he seemed to feel he should have been rewarded for
this—especially to be included in talks on the future of the region."
A Less Successful Meeting
Sheinbaum's second meeting with Assad wasn't as successful. The
Californian had concluded that peace negotiations would improve
if the late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Assad were
to meet face to face. Washington didn't seem to go along with the
one-on-one idea and when Sheinbaum presented his proposal to the
Syrian ambassador he, too, seemed uninterested. However, Rabin was
most agreeable to the proposal. The dilemma was how to get back
to Assad a second time? Finally, Sheinbaum's longtime friend, former
Greek Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou, presented the idea to Assad,
who said he wasn't in favor of it but he would discuss it with Sheinbaum.
On Feb. 22, 1995, Sheinbaum met with Assad and Syrian Foreign Minister
Farouk al-Charaa.
"I had the feeling Assad didn't want to meet directly with
an Israeli because it would be demeaning," he stated. "He
expressed the view that such decisive negotiations required a third
party to ensure both sides would adhere to the agreements. He clearly
doesn't want to negotiate without the U.S.
"I have the distinct impression," Sheinbaum continued,
"that Assad believes things get planned for the region, and
then he is informed about it. Many people were of the opinion Assad
was worried because he didn't attend the multi-nation economic meeting
in Morocco and again the one in Amman. A good sign recently was
that Assad did attend the economic meeting in Barcelona that was
called by the European Community."
Sheinbaum voices strong regrets that Damascus wasn't considered
as headquarters for the new regional economic development bank.
"This would have brought him into the game of nations with
an elevated status. But it's too late now, the bank will be in Cairo."
Other concerns of the Syrian president, as Sheinbaum sees them,
are his worry that King Hussein of Jordan wants to create a barrier
between Assad and the Saudis and that Jordan is taking part in discussions
on reconfigurations in the region but without Syria. Assad also
is concerned about the future of a Saddam-less Iraq. Sheinbaum predicted
in his Dec. 1 article that if the U.S. continues to snub Assad,
the Syrian leader might make an alliance with Turkey to the north
and strengthen his existing ties to Iran to the east—an axis Washington
surely does not want.
"The attitude still exists about Assad that he is a protector
of terrorists," Sheinbaum noted. "The notion therefore
that he's not to be trusted because he has killed many people is
reminiscent of old attitudes about Arafat. We have to be open to
the possibility he will change."
It's fascinating to talk to a man who's on a first-name basis with
kings and dictators, policy-makers and presidents. The Clintons
have dined at the Sheinbaum home and so have King Hussein and Queen
Noor as well as Hollywood's own "royalty." Stanley Sheinbaum
seems to be in the center of whatever is making headlines. That's
why it probably should have come as no surprise to us when we pulled
up to the gated Sheinbaum residence on Rockingham Avenue to discover
that O.J. Simpson's world-famous mansion is right across the street.
Sheikh Shamseddine in Los Angeles
The spiritual leader of an estimated one million Shi'i Muslims
living in Lebanon was the guest of honor at a Dec. 1 reception in
the Los Angeles home of Lebanese Consul General Gebran Soufan. More
than 60 members of the Southern California Arab-American community
were invited to meet Sheikh Mohammad Mehdi Shamseddine to hear his
perspectives on Lebanon, the United States, Israel and Syria.
"Frictions between religious and political groups are healing
[in Lebanon]," Sheikh Shamseddin stated. Despite differences
in policies, the sheikh said he regards the U.S. as a friendly country.
"What concerns me is the role Washington could play in the
peace process if it truly were non-biased. I look forward to the
day the U.S. will become an honest broker."
As for Israel: "There would be no more bullets between us
if Israel were to comply with United Nations Resolution 425 [calling
for Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon]. We don't need to negotiate.
If Israel withdraws from Lebanon, then our differences will be over."
Turning to Lebanon's civil war, the sheikh said there have been
many references to strangers fighting on Lebanese soil. "These
strangers wouldn't have fought in Lebanon if we hadn't invited them,"
he reminded dissenters in the room, which contained some supporters
of the Maronite Christian Gemayel family and Maronite warlords Michel
Aoun and Samir Geagea.
"Syria," Sheikh Shamseddin emphasized, "is a sister
Arab country, a neighbor. If our neighbor were Sudan, Somalia or
any other Arab country, we would be friendly, no matter what."
Stressing that Lebanon needs Syria more than Syria needs Lebanon,
the Shi'i spiritual leader pointed out that Syria protects Lebanon
from Israel. "Syria may enjoy some benefits from Lebanon, but
Lebanon has more to gain from the relationship," he said. Out
of respect for the speaker and their host, the many dissenters from
this view in the room listened in silence.
"We don't need to beg the U.S. for aid," Sheikh Shamseddin
concluded. "I'm not here to plead for U.S. assistance. What
we are in need of is justice for Lebanon and for the entire region."
Pat and Samir Twair are free-lance writers from Southern California.
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