February 1993, Page 15
Dotangate
Bizarre U.S. Questioning of Israeli General
Never Took Place
By Frank Collins and Eugene Bird
In a scandal that was largely hushed up by the U.S. media, Israeli
General (now Private) Rami Dotan was sentenced in Israel last year
to 13 years in prison for receiving bribes from General Electric
for the placement of contracts for military aircraft engines, to
be paid for from U.S. military aid to Israel. For its part in the
collusion, General Electric paid fines of $69 million to the U.S.
government.
After much pushing from Congressman John Dingell (D-MI), chairman
of the subcommittee on oversight and investigations of the House
Committee on Energy and Commerce, the Departments of Defense and
Justice took steps to question Dotan in prison about his dealings
with GE and other companies with which he placed orders. The protocol
under which Israel receives its annual $1.8 billion in U.S. military
aid provides for free access of U.S. government investigators to
Israelis suspected of fraudulent practices.
The Israeli government resisted any U.S. questioning of Dotan
but finally agreed, initially, to a bizarre procedure. American
investigators in a separate room would be allowed to put questions
through a public address system to Dotan, who would be seated behind
soundproof glass. Dotan's answers, however, would not be heard by
the American investigators. Instead they would be provided by Israeli
translators, who would decide how much of his testimony would actually
be heard by the Americans.
After the U.S. accepted the Israeli terms, congressional aides
told the Washington Report in late November that an American
team of investigators was in Israel to question Dotan. The writers
now have learned that the questioning never took place.
U.S. government officials declined to tell the Washington Report
why the American team failed to question Dotan and when, or
whether, he would be questioned. The Justice Department responded
to both questions with "no comment." In a second interview
with Justice, the spokesman said that he "can say nothing about
the case." He would not even confirm that there was an agreement
with Israel on interviewing Dotan, even though the existence of
this agreement was reported last November in the U. S. press and
discussed at length in the Dec. 1992/Jan. 1993 issue of the Washington
Report.
The State Department responded that the hearing had been postponed
because of scheduling difficulties. When pressed about the nature
of these problems, a State Department spokesperson said, "I
cannot tell you more." A second query to the State Department
elicited the response that all inquiries should be referred to the
Department of Justice. "It is their problem, their show,"
said the State Department official.
The Defense Department argued that it had nothing to do with the
questioning of Dotan and that "no one in the Public Affairs
Office knows anything about the case." The office of Jerome
Silber, who had testified before the Dingell subcommittee on behalf
of the Defense Department, said, "Mr. Silber is not allowed
to talk to reporters."
"No News" Is News
In this particular case, "no news" is news. It suggests
cover-up of fraud in the handling of military sales and procurement.
If such a cover-up indeed exists, "Dotangate" could involve
high officials in the U.S. as well as the Israeli government.
Besides the apparent indefinite postponement of the questioning,
there are many other puzzling aspects of the Dotan affair. Herbert
Steindler, a resident of Israel and the General Electric executive
primarily responsible for the bribing of Dotan, has been discharged
by General Electric but has never been prosecuted by either Israel
or the U.S. for his actions.
An American-Israeli dual national, Harold Katz, laundered the money
diverted from the GE military contracts, transferring large sums
to Swiss banks and physically moving them from one bank to another
with the help of his daughter. But, so far, no attempt has been
made to call Katz, a former Boston businessman and now a resident
of Israel, for questioning. Katz also was involved in the operations
of the spy Jonathan Pollard. The Israeli Embassy used an apartment
purchased by Katz in Washington, DC to copy the thousands of top-secret
documents stolen by Pollard, a U.S. Navy counter-intelligence operative,
while Pollard waited in a second apartment in the same building
with his Israeli handler.
Other mysteries are why no information has been released as to
any actions taken with respect to other U.S. companies: Pratt and
Whitney, General Motors and Electrodyne, who also did business with
Dotan, using U.S. military aid to Israel.
Strangest of all is the U.S. agreement to question Dotan only through
soundproof glass, enabling Israeli government officials to screen
and select which information to give to American investigators.
With the postponement of even this highly restricted questioning
of Dotan, the Dotan affair may have reached a dead end, unless Congressman
Dingell continues his investigation of it in the new Congress.
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