January 1996, pgs. 77, 94
Book Review
Crisis in the Gulf: An Independent Iraqi View
By Omar Ali. Praeger Press, 1993, 168 pp. List: $49.95; AET:
$34.95.
Reviewed by Raymond Habiby
The 1991 war with Iraq is still not buried in the annals of history.
The U.N.-imposed embargo on Iraq is still in place. The Kurdish
north and the Shi'i south are still flying zones for Allied aircraft
and "no-fly" zones for Iraqi planes. Saddam Hussain is
still in power and the Security Council keeps putting out additional
resolutions complaining that Iraq has not fully complied with its
previous resolutions. It seems that it will be a long time before
Iraq is re-admitted to the family of nations.
Iraqi author Omar Ali has lived in the United States for the past
25 years. He is deeply anguished at the plight of the Iraqi people.
He does not see why the people should pay for the sins of their
government when they have no freedom to express their views, and
no way to change it. To improve the daily lives of his fellow Iraqis,
the author wants Iraq to "be allowed to export oil to use the
proceeds to feed the hungry people, to provide medical care and
to rebuild its damaged economy." (p. 134)
Despite the volume of published materials on the Gulf war, this
book is unique. The author presents a thorough historical study
of the Iraqi-Kuwaiti dispute, which goes back to Ottoman days. He
maintains that the dispute is not one of Iraq's Saddam Hussain vs.
the sheikhs of Kuwait. He argues that the present insistence on
the 1923 British boundary demarcation line will not be accepted
by the Iraqi regimes which will succeed Saddam and that the matter
must be resolved by negotiations in accordance with the U.N. peace
process and the rules of international law.
In different chapters of the book the author deals with the roles
played by Britain, the United States, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iran,
Turkey, Egypt and a number of other states in this conflict. In
a special chapter he deals with Arab and Iraqi relations with the
Soviet Union and he is critical of the role of the Soviet Union.
He accuses it of never having had the interests of the Arabs at
heart. He particularly criticizes former Soviet Chairman Mikhail
Gorbachev and Foreign Minister Eduard Shevernadze, describing both
as being more interested in working with the U.S. than helping Iraq.
He considers this one of the reasons for the downfall of Gorbachev
and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author also deals in a
separate chapter with linkages between the Gulf crisis and the Arab-Israeli
conflict and oil and the support the West provides the traditional
emirates and monarchies.
The book is an encyclopedia of facts, analysis and presentation
of theories. They often are strung together into long paragraphs
which would be difficult to follow for a person with a limited knowledge
of the region. Most of the facts are well known, yet the basic contribution
of the book is the presentation of insights gained from personal
contacts the author had with a number of well-placed Arab diplomats,
journalists and observers in the U.S. and abroad. On the other hand,
since the author has a thorough knowledge of the subject matter,
it is surprising that some of his information is drawn from books
and from newspaper and periodical articles which he accepted as
facts without any attempt to check their reliability.
The author was inclined to accept, as do many others in the Middle
East, what he described as the "conspiracy theory." It
maintains that the U.S. planned, in collusion with Kuwait, to draw
Iraq into a war which would destroy its industrial and military
power, because U.S. policy has always been that no Arab state should
attain military parity with Israel. For its part, Kuwait was to
be remunerated with a U.N. resolution confirming the 1923 boundary
demarcation line with Iraq, something Kuwait, with British support,
had been seeking.
Author Ali expresses his support for the rule of international
law and for a strong role by the U.N. in the peaceful resolution
of international disputes. He is disappointed with Saddam's legacy
because, with Iraq saddled with so many pending problems with its
neighbors, it will in the future have to rely on international law
and the U.N. to settle these problems. Ali is critical of U.S. and
allied conduct in the war and calls on the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) to "establish, elaborate and highlight
rules of international humanitarian law concerning the conduct of
the warring parties and the need for the protection of civilians"
(p. 121). He adds: "There is an urgent need to elaborate further...[how]
to save civilians especially from famine and other calamities and
protect...utilities, like electricity-generating stations, water
purification plants."
Omar Ali is not a supporter of Saddam and is very critical of his
conduct of Iraqi affairs. He presents himself as an unattached Iraqi
offering an independent viewpoint. In a passionate appeal to Saddam
Hussain he suggests "measures to save Iraq from further trouble"
(p. 149). Ali offers a six-point plan which implies the removal
of Saddam from power, although he does not openly suggest this.
His six points provide:
- Establishment of an interim government in Iraq composed of
respected intellectuals and former ministers.
- Release within six months of all political prisoners, installation
of political freedoms, and authorization of political parties.
During this period Iraqis will be permitted to expose the blunders
of the Iraqi regimes since 1923.
- Holding within a year national elections under U.N. and international
supervision to elect a constituent assembly. The assembly would
then proceed to draft a democratic constitution based on the separation
of powers, an independent judiciary, democratic freedoms and the
protection of minorities. It would also decide the future political,
economic and social systems of the country and handle the question
of Kurdish autonomy. The constitution would then be ratified by
a national referendum.
- Six months after the ratification of the constitution, national
elections would be held to elect the president and parliament.
- Working with army leaders, steps should be taken to depoliticize
the army. The Kurds would also disband their militias and pledge
not to resort to the use of force.
- As a concession to the Ba'th Party, there should be no deeds
of retribution for acts committed during the Ba'th regime.
The author believes that democratic action now is feasible because,
with the collapse of communism, there is no justification for fears
expressed in the past that free elections would produce either communist
or leftist regimes.
In another appeal to the president of the United States the author
recommends a "credible and successful [U.S.] policy on the
Arab world," based on:
- Ending the health and famine disaster faced by the Iraqi people.
- Advocating democratic governments in the region based on free
elections, multiple political parties and freedom of press and
assembly.
- An Arab-Israeli peace providing Israeli withdrawal from the
occupied Palestinian and Arab territories and the establishment
of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state.
- The total elimination of weapons of mass destruction from the
entire Middle East to include nuclear, chemical and biological
weapons.
- Renunciation of the use of force and a commitment to solving
disputes by peaceful means.
- The use of modern technologies to detect and warn of possible
troop concentrations and thus thwart any planned military action.
(The author had earlier in the book argued that the U.S. was aware
from satellite pictures that Iraqi troops were concentrating on
the Kuwaiti border yet did not warn Saddam not to attack Kuwait.)
- Reducing the gap between the rich and poor nations.
In a final note the author extols the humanitarian values of Islam.
To him the Arab world needs the spiritual values of Islam to eradicate
corruption. He expresses, possibly prematurely, his admiration for
the Islamic movement in Algeria which he believes can substantiate
his belief that the values of Islam are the cure to Middle East
evils.
Raymond Habiby is professor emeritus at Oklahoma State University,
Stillwater, OK. |