Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, April 2003, pages
6, 42
What They Said
Sen. Robert Byrd (D-WV): "This War Is Not Necessary
at This Time"
Senate Floor Speech, Feb. 12, 2003
To contemplate war is to think about the most horrible of human
experiences. On this February day, as this nation stands at the
brink of battle, every American on some level must be contemplating
the horrors of war. Yet, this Chamber is, for the most part, silent--ominously,
dreadfully silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt
to lay out for the nation the pros and cons of this particular war.
There is nothing.
We stand passively mute in the United States Senate, paralyzed
by our own uncertainty, seemingly stunned by the sheer turmoil of
events. Only on the editorial pages of our newspapers is there much
substantive discussion of the prudence or imprudence of engaging
in this particular war.
And this is no small conflagration we contemplate. This is no
simple attempt to defang a villain. No. This coming battle, if it
materializes, represents a turning point in U.S. foreign policy
and possibly a turning point in the recent history of the world.
This nation is about to embark upon the first test of a revolutionary
doctrine applied in an extraordinary way at an unfortunate time.
The doctrine of preemption—the idea that the United States
or any other nation can legitimately attack a nation that is not
imminently threatening but may be threatening in the future—is
a radical new twist on the traditional idea of self-defense. It
appears to be in contravention of international law and the U.N.
Charter. And it is being tested at a time of worldwide terrorism,
making many countries around the globe wonder if they will soon
be on our—or some other nation's—hit list. High-level
administration figures recently refused to take nuclear weapons
off the table when discussing a possible attack against Iraq. What
could be more destabilizing and unwise than this type of uncertainty,
particularly in a world where globalism has tied the vital economic
and security interests of many nations so closely together? There
are huge cracks emerging in our time-honored alliances, and U.S.
intentions are suddenly subject to damaging worldwide speculation.
Anti-Americanism based on mistrust, misinformation, suspicion, and
alarming rhetoric from U.S. leaders is fracturing the once solid
alliance against global terrorism which existed after Sept. 11.
Here at home, people are warned of imminent terrorist attacks
with little guidance as to when or where such attacks might occur.
Family members are being called to active military duty, with no
idea of the duration of their stay or what horrors they may face.
Communities are being left with less than adequate police and fire
protection. Other essential services are also short-staffed. The
mood of the nation is grim. The economy is stumbling. Fuel prices
are rising and may soon spike higher.
"This coming battle, if it materializes, represents
a turning point in U.S. foreign policy."
This administration, now in power for a little over two years,
must be judged on its record. I believe that that record is dismal....In
foreign policy, this administration has failed to find Osama bin
Laden. In fact, just yesterday we heard from him again marshaling
his forces and urging them to kill. This administration has split
traditional alliances, possibly crippling, for all time, international
order-keeping entities like the United Nations and NATO. This administration
has called into question the traditional worldwide perception of
the United States as a well-intentioned peacekeeper. This administration
has turned the patient art of diplomacy into threats, labeling,
and name calling of the sort that reflects quite poorly on the intelligence
and sensitivity of our leaders, and which will have consequences
for years to come.
Calling heads of state pygmies, labeling whole countries as evil,
denigrating powerful European allies as irrelevant—these types
of crude insensitivities can do our great nation no good. We may
have massive military might, but we cannot fight a global war on
terrorism alone. We need the cooperation and friendship of our time-honored
allies as well as the newer found friends whom we can attract with
our wealth. Our awesome military machine will do us little good
if we suffer another devastating attack on our homeland which severely
damages our economy. Our military manpower is already stretched
thin and we will need the augmenting support of those nations who
can supply troop strength, not just sign letters cheering us on.
The war in Afghanistan has cost us $37 billion so far, yet there
is evidence that terrorism may already be starting to regain its
hold in that region. We have not found Bin Laden, and unless we
secure the peace in Afghanistan, the dark dens of terrorism may
yet again flourish in that remote and devastated land.
Pakistan as well is at risk of destabilizing forces. This administration
has not finished the first war against terrorism, and yet it is
eager to embark on another conflict with perils much greater than
those in Afghanistan. Is our attention span that short? Have we
not learned that after winning the war one must always secure the
peace?
And yet we hear little about the aftermath of war in Iraq. In
the absence of plans, speculation abroad is rife. Will we seize
Iraq's oil fields, becoming an occupying power which controls the
price and supply of that nation's oil for the foreseeable future?
To whom do we propose to hand the reigns of power after Saddam Hussain?
Unanswered Questions
Will our war inflame the Muslim world, resulting in devastating
attacks on Israel? Will Israel retaliate with its own nuclear arsenal?
Will the Jordanian and Saudi Arabian governments be toppled by radicals,
bolstered by Iran, which has much closer ties to terrorism than
Iraq?
Could a disruption of the world's oil supply lead to a worldwide
recession? Has our senselessly bellicose language and our callous
disregard of the interests and opinions of other nations increased
the global race to join the nuclear club and made proliferation
an even more lucrative practice for nations which need the income?
In only the space of two short years this reckless and arrogant
administration has initiated policies which may reap disastrous
consequences for years.
One can understand the anger and shock of any president after
the savage attacks of Sept. 11. One can appreciate the frustration
of having only a shadow to chase and an amorphous, fleeting enemy
on which it is nearly impossible to exact retribution.
But to turn one's frustration and anger into the kind of extremely
destabilizing and dangerous foreign policy debacle that the world
is currently witnessing is inexcusable from any administration charged
with the awesome power and responsibility of guiding the destiny
of the greatest superpower on the planet. Frankly, many of the pronouncements
made by this administration are outrageous. There is no other word.
Yet this chamber is hauntingly silent. On what is possibly the
eve of horrific infliction of death and destruction on the population
of the nation of Iraq—a population, I might add, of which
over 50 percent is under age 15—this chamber is silent. On
what is possibly only days before we send thousands of our own citizens
to face unimagined horrors of chemical and biological warfare—this
chamber is silent. On the eve of what could possibly be a vicious
terrorist attack in retaliation for our attack on Iraq, it is business
as usual in the United States Senate.
We are truly "sleepwalking through history." In my heart of hearts
I pray that this great nation and its good and trusting citizens
are not in for a rudest of awakenings.
To engage in war is always to pick a wild card. And war must always
be a last resort, not a first choice. I truly must question the
judgment of any president who can say that a massive unprovoked
military attack on a nation which is over 50 percent children is
"in the highest moral traditions of our country." This war is not
necessary at this time. Pressure appears to be having a good result
in Iraq. Our mistake was to put ourselves in a corner so quickly.
Our challenge is to now find a graceful way out of a box of our
own making. Perhaps there is still a way if we allow more time. |